Ever since, the elders of Awdal have tirelessly raised the issue with every government delegation and every NGO that came to the region. Now after almost 30-odd years, the people have realized that an external assistance was not forthcoming and the only way they could build the road was to rely on their community’s resources and effort.

Having that in mind, it was inspiring for me to read a similar story in the pages of the Washington Post where the community of Fairfax County, Virginia in the United States, had to wait for 50 years for the construction of a road. I just happened to open the pages of the paper’s Sunday edition on Sept. 6, 2010 to read the following title:

After 50 years, Fairfax County Parkway finally heads toward the finish line

As I delved deeper into the story with great interest I was amazed by the resemblance of the history of the two roads despite the difference between the two communities in terms of wealth and civilization. The Fairfax Country Parkway was built in pieces just like the Borama-Dilla Road is being built now, mile by mile.

“The funding has been so uneven over the years, and as a result it got built in pieces,” said Rep. Gerry E. Connolly, who served as a Fairfax County commissioner for 14 years before being elected to Congress in 2008.

Just as the Awdal community found the government to be an unreliable financial supporter and had to rely instead on local money, the Fairfax County community also found the state to be a non-reliable funding partner and had to resort to local community for support.

“The state wasn’t a reliable funding partner, and an unusual percentage of the project got funded by local dollars,” Connolly said.

The comparison, however, has a more bitter taste for the Fairfax County community as their County happens to be the most prosperous county in one of the most prosperous states in America, while the Borama-Dilla Road is located in one of the poorest regions in Africa. Therefore, while the progress of the Fairfax County Road was hampered by government bureaucracy, the delay of the Borama-Dilla Road was partly due to lack of resources and partly due to lack of proper appropriation of the government’s meager resources.

“It has taken seven Virginia governors and the better part of four decades to complete a 35-mile roadway in the most prosperous county in one of the most prosperous states in the country,” said Bob Chase, executive director of the Northern Virginia Transportation Alliance. “That’s relevant in terms of how complicated and difficult it is to advance critically needed transportation projects in Northern Virginia.”

As the Fairfax Road nears its end, the community there has already started dreaming of a brighter future where metro services should come to the area.

“Metro has got to be a part of our future,” Connolly said. “It’s got to come down I-66 to Gainesville, it’s got to come down I-95 to Potomac Mills and we’ve got to have light rail down the Richmond highway corridor.

Maybe it is time for Awdal people as well to start planning for the post road period, a period where they have to dream of a new dawn of larger highways and even train or metro systems connecting the different parts of the region. But as Connolly urged the Fairfax County community for patience by saying: “These things are critical projects for the future…but these things take time. You can’t just do them overnight.” I may also caution the people of Awdal that with patience and perseverance that you will prevail. So fellow Awdalites, stay the course and know that you are not alone in your struggle for development as you share history with one of the richest counties and states in America.

Bashir Goth  – Washington, D.C., Sept 7, 2010

Email: bsogoth@yahoo.com

I can see jaws dropping with bewilderment, devoted readers unbelievably double checking the source, and some of those already besotted with cynicism against the loyalty of clans on the fringes of Somaliland jumping to conclusion as soon as they see the title without reading any further and saying with a great sense of satisfaction: “Hey, gotcha? We knew all along that he was a unionist in disguise?” Likewise, I can see also unionist “Somalilanders” getting ecstatic about my rebellious approach.

Before anyone jumps to any conclusions, I would like to point out that Somaliland has chosen democracy as its system of government. And democracy entails equality and freedom for all citizens. Under the tree of freedom come its many branches such as freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and freedom of religion. Under the umbrella of this system of democracy and freedom comes also one’s right for dissent among many other rights. Any tax paying citizen should have the right to challenge the political system and be able to express his/her political opinion in a peaceful way. Democracy is not only about conformity, or herd mentality, or even about seeing only different shades of the existing system; but it is also about calling for dismantling the existing system and taking the nation’s destiny to a completely different direction if need be. It is therefore the right of every citizen to demand and promote the political system he/she sees as suitable for the country.

If the Kulmiye government opens the gate for the creation of many political parties as the party’s leadership promised during the election campaign, I can envisage many parties carrying different ideologies and diverse political orientations coming to the political scene. Other than the plethora of clan-based parties that will choke the party pipeline, one can anticipate the arrival of some ideology- based parties such an Islamic party, a secular party, a liberal party, a social-democratic party and most probably a communist party. With the onset of such unfettered democracy I don’t see why it should still be a taboo to create a unionist party, demanding Somaliland’s reunification with Somalia.

In Somaliland today there is a strange and unfounded fear of anyone expressing an opinion for union. Strange because Somaliland has adopted democracy as a political system and democracy is indivisible. You cannot deny citizens to demand their democratic rights to hold and express opposing views; and unfounded because the people of Somaliland have made their choice to abandon the union and reclaim their sovereignty with their own free will. Therefore to punish and criminalize people for calling or publicly advocating for the Somali union is an insult to the intelligence of the people of Somaliland. If anything, it shows insecurity and paranoia about the sustainability of the Somaliland project.

The absurdity is that any Somali from anywhere in the world, particularly Somalis from Ethiopia, Djibitouti, Kenya and even Somalia can enter, stay and do business in Somaliland, but Somalilanders who happened to have participated in the politics of Somalia cannot attend even the burial of their own relatives in Hargeisa, Borama, Buroa or any other place in Somaliland. Somalis who hold high political posts in Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibouti are welcomed in Somaliland even though they uphold their respective governments’ official position of rejecting the recognition of Somaliland, but Somalis who hail from Somaliland by birth are treated as criminals and thrown into prison if they step on the soil of their homeland and are not even allowed to visit their ailing mothers. Their only crime is that they oppose the secession of Somaliland. This makes Somaliland democracy and freedom a cruel joke, at least to the families of the victims of such an absurd reality.

And finally, here is the beef. Yes, I am a firm believer in Somaliland’s sovereignty and independence and will remain a staunch advocate for its recognition. The people of Somaliland underwent great suffering and yet still found the courage and willpower to invest a priceless amount of energy, time and wisdom in creating a country from scratch and establishing such an admirable model of democracy in Africa. And despite its lack of recognition, I want to see Somaliland determined to uphold its constitutional democracy and hopefully one day be a guiding light for African countries as well as others professing democracy yet denying their citizens basic rights. Obviously, neither I nor any sound human being would like to see Somaliland’s achievements go up in flames for someone’s fantasyland dreams, but I also strongly believe that Somaliland has attained a high degree of political maturity to democratically and peacefully challenge and defeat anyone that confronts its legal rights at the ballot box. Hence, I resent seeing my beautiful Somaliland that stands on unshakeable democratic pillars, behaving like a banana republic by incarcerating and denying its citizens the exercise of their political rights. And that includes allowing the minority unionist individuals to raise their voice and form their own party. We all know that such dissenters do not stand a chance of winning any votes, but giving them a political platform may contribute to deflating their argument and saving their lives from dying in the hellfire of Mogadishu.

Bashir Goth

Email: bsogoth@yahoo.com

Translation: What is chief of cabinet?, what is his job description, what the constitution said about it, is it a political or administrative post, Which countries or nations use the chief of cabinet post?

Bismilahi Raxmaani Raxiim,Ilaahay ayaa mahad oo dhan u sugnaatay, naxariis iyo nabadgelyo korkiisa ha ahaato Nebigana Muxumed C.S.W Ramadaan Kariim dhammaan akhristayaal

Kelmadda Cheif “horgalle” ama afka carabiga ku noqonaysa “Al-caaqil”  waxaa markii ugu horaysay taariikhda dunida la isticmaalay 1512 waxaana isticmaalay qoomiyadda Scotish-ka ee degen dalka boqortooyada ingiriiska oo waagaasi ahayd dad ka kooban qabaa´ilo kala duwan oo dega jasiiraddaha boqortooyada ingiriiska, qoomiyadda Gaelic Scotish loo yaqaano ayaa ahayd qoomiyadii ugu horaysay ee yeelata horgalle ama Chief, marka waxay dadka Gaelics ee ka tirsan qoomiyadda Scotish-ku ay waagaasi samaysteen laba axdi (Conventions) oo la kala odhan jiray Chief oo ah xukume iyo Chieftians oo ah la xukumayaal iyagoo marka ku kala soocaayey ama ku kala saaraayey inta noqonaysa horgalayaal iyo la horgalayaal.

Sababta markaa keliftay in dadka Gaelics ama Scotish-ka loo yaqaana ay waagaasi samaystaan Chief ama horgalle ayaa ahayd dagaalo ba´an oo ay kula jireen qabaa´ilo waagaasi ay isku haysteen gacanka dharararan ee jasiiraddaha Scotish Islands iyagoo waagaasi la dagaalamaayey dadka English Saxons ka loo yaqaano oo marka tiro ahaan ka badna, awoodda horgallahu chief waxay ahayd wakhtigaasi abaabulka reeraha ama jilibyada hoose, ururinta ciidamadda, tallo ka gaadhista iyo samaynta caaqil hoosaadyada oo afka ingiriisiga lagu yidhaahdo sub-chiefs, waxaa waagaasi jiray daraajooyin kala duwan oo horgalahu leeyahay iyagoo ay ka mid ahaayeen
1. chief of clan (horgalaha qabiilka)
2. chief of army (horgalaha ciidanka)
3. chief of of Boat (horgalaha ciidamadda bedda) markii danbana loo bixiyey (chief of navy army)

Kelmadda chief ama horgalle afka carabigana ku noqonaysa “caaqil” waxay sidoo kale caan ku noqotay qabaa´iladdii carabta wakhtigii jaahiliyadda lagu jiray iyadoo qoomiyadahii carbeed iyo weliba qoomiyaha daga yurub,  waqooyiga iyo koonfurta qaaradda america ay lahayeen darajooyinkaasi, qabaa´ilaadka aadka u isticmaali jiray ilhaaniyadda caaqilka “chief” waxaa ka mid ahaa qoomiyadaha Chicksaw, Chicktaw, Armanian, Rajput, martinial, norse clans, partitiach, amalek, qatariyan, Tamuud, Qahtan, Jurhum iyo qaar badan oo aanan halkani ku soo koobi karaynin.

darajadda horgalle ama caaqil ama afka ingiriisiga loogu yeedho (Chief) waxay la halmaashay cahdiyadii kala duwana ee dunida soo martay sida Shuuciyaddii (Communism), Saxnuuniyaddii (Zionism) hantiwadaagii (socialism), iyo cahdigani ay hadda dunidu dhex dabaalanayso ee raadka weyn ku leh ee loo yaqaano (Civilization) ama ilbaxnimada ama sidoo kale ay ugu yeedhaan (Jefforsonian Democratism), tusaale ahaan qarnigii shuuciyadda iyo hantiwadaagga ee ay kala aaminsanayeen dalalkii galbeedka iyo beriga ee ay kala hogaaminayeen Sovietka iyo dunida kale ee maanta reer galbeedka isku tirisa waxay isticmaali jireen darajada chief iyadoo halkii cahdi samaankooda ay ahayd in la siiyo darajadaasi ama ay ahayd darajada ugu saraysa ee qabaa´ilka waxay u dhalan rogeen ama u bedeleen dhinaca quwadda ciidamadda waxaana ay soo saareen waxay ugu magac dareen (Chief of army) ama the national chief of staff oo ah ninka ugu sareeya ammaanka ama ciidamadda dalka.

Kelmadda kale ee aan doonayo inaan si macwyan ah ama aqoon leh u icitraaqo waxay tahay kelmadda afka ingiriisiga ku ah (Cabinet) oo ah golle oo marka la sharaxo ama la fasilo noqonaysa dad loo doortay hawl oo ku midaysan dallad, kelmaddu macno ahaan waxay ka koobantahay laba kelmadood oo afka ingiriisiga ah oo isku tegay oo kala ah (Cabin) oo ah guri ka samaysan walxo gacmeed la isku geeyey oo ay isticmaali jireen dadka degen jasiiradaha ama goobaha xeebaha ee kulul, kaasi oo macnaha ugu dhaw ee afka soomaaligu noqonayo cariish, marka kelmaddu waa Cabin-Net, net waa isku xidhe, kelmadda naxwe ahaan waxay ka timid weedhahii girigiiga oo badanka luuqaddaha la qoro ay badankood ka soo farcameen, marka isticmaalka maamul ee kelmadda cabinet waxaa ugu horeeyey ee dunidani isticmaala waxay ahayd boqortooyadda dalka ingiriiska sannadkii 1610-kii, waxaana fasilka ugu dhaw ee luuqadda afka soomaaligu uu ku noqonaysa “tallo-goyayaal” Cabinet waxay dastuurka ingiriiska ka masuul yahiin awoodda koobaad ee boqortooyada Britain awoodaasi oo ah go´aan qaadashada, dhisidda maamulka dalka, awoodda fullinta maamulka iyo wixii kale ee la  halmaala hogaanka dalka.

Dasuurka boqortooyada Britain wuxuu dhigaya in dadka ka mid noqonaya  golaha tallo gooyayaasha (the Cabinet) ay ka yimaadaan golaha baarlamaanka oo ah iyagu gole ay dadku soo doortaan, haddaba waxaan doonaya inaan iyadana sharaxaad ka bixiyo marka la isku daro labada kelmadood ee Chief iyo Cabinet waxay macno ahaan noqonayaan, yaa isticmaala?, muxuuse qofka awoodaasi loo dhiiba yeelanaya?, waxaan sharaxaad ka bixinayaa.dastuurka Somaliland wuxuu fasil ahaan ka bixinayo qaabka golaha xukuumadda iyo sida ay noqonanayso
Chief Of Cabinet (Horgalaha Tallo Goyayaasha)  Ama Hogaamiyayaha Golaha Tallo-gayaasha

Dalka keliya ee maanta isticmaala awoodda horgalaha talo gooyayaasha (Chief of Cabinet) waa dalka Japan, awooddda horgalaha tallo gooyayaashu (chief of cabinet) wuxuu ku soo biiray siyaasadda dalka Japan 1966-kii, awoodda dastuurka ee Chief of Cabinet ka dalka Japan waa ninka ugu sareeya ee unka, falka, isla markaana ictiraaqa siyaasadda guud ee dalku ku shaqaynaayso waana ninka ugu awood badan dalka marka laga yimaado ra´isal wasaaraha (the premium power) waxaana dadka Japan ay ugu yeedhaan (??????, naikaku kanbo chokan     taasi oo macnaheedu tahay maskaxdii dawladda, wuxuu ka masuul yahay daraasadaynta, cilmi baadhista iyo samaynta siyaasadda dalka Japan oo dhan, xafiiskiisu wuxuu ku yaalla dabaqa shanaad ee qasriga maamulka dalka japan ee magaalada Tokyo, siyaasadda dalka oo dhana waxay ku shaqaysa wuxuu soo unko ama soo falko oo la horgeeyo golaha xukuumadda oo ra´isal wasaarahu hogaaminaayo. waxaana awoodiisu ay si cad ugu talla dastuurka dalka Japan faqradiisa 59-aad, waxaana magacaaba chief of Cabinet-ka golaha baarlamaanka ee dalka japan oo ra´isal wasaarahuna ka yimaaddo

Dalka kale ee darajo u macno dhaw isticmaala waa dalka maraykanka oo leh darajada (Chief of Staff) oo ah ninka ugu awoodda badan magaalada Washington, waxaa hoos yimaadda dhammaan waaxaha arrimaha dalka maraykanka, waxaa hoos yimaadda waaxaha ammaanka, booliiska, sirdoonka qarranka iyo weliba isku xidhka maamulada gobolada iyo dawladda dhexe ee Washington, waxaana magacaaba Madaxweynaha dalka maraykanka, waxaana awoodahiisu ay si cad ugu qeexanyahiin dastuurka dalka maraykanka waxaana ansixiya labada gole ee dalka maraykanka Senate-ka iyo Congresska.

Somaliland iyo Horgalaha Tallo goyayaasha (The Chief of Cabinet)

Somaliland waxaa ka jira dastuur ay dadka ku nooli u codeeyeen 2001-dii, shacabka Somaliland waxay dastuurkaasi ku meel mariyeen %97, waxaana uu dastuurku yahay mid uu ku baxay wakhti badan isla markaana si cad u iftiminaaya awoodaha iyo xuduudaha siyaasadeed ee somaliland (the power and boundaries of somaliland politics), haddaba inagoo si waajib ah uga tallo qaadanayna dastuurka dadka dalka lihi ay meel marsadeen ayaa inagoo soo qaadanayna xubintiisa 3-aad, qodobkiisa 94-aad, oo ciwaankiisu yahay golaha wasiiradda wuxuu u dhiganyahay qodobkiisa
Golaha Wasiiradu waxay Madaxweynaha ka kaalmaynayaan fulinta xilkiisa iyaga oo wadajir u go´aamin doona siyaasadda guud, qorshayaasha iyo barnaamijyada Dawladda.
bal hadda u fiirso akhriste fasiiladda dastuurka wuxuu si cad u iftiiminaya in dalku yahay dal yeelanaya gole wasiiro haddana isagoo dastuurku sii bildhaaminayo cidda leh magacabista iyo xil ka qaadista golaha wasiiradda wuxuu dastuurka isla xubintiisa 3-aad, qodobkiisa 94-aad,faqradiisa 2-aad uu u dhiganyahay sidani

Waxaa Wasiirada iyo Wasiir-ku-xigeennada magacaabi kara ama xilka ka qaadi kara Madaxweynaha; waxaana magacaabiddooda la hor dhigayaa Golaha Wakiilada oo ay fadhigaas joogaan kala badh iyo hal xubnood (Quorum), oo ku oggolaan kara ama ku diidi kara cod hal dheeri ah (Simple Majority) oo gacan taag ah.
bal hadda u fiirso sida cad ee dastuurka dalku u dhigayo qaab siyaasadeedka jihaysan ee maamulka golaha xukuumadda oo ah in madaxweynahu uu yahay awoodda magacaabaysa ama xilka ka qaadi karta golaha, haddana isagoo sii fasilaya dastuurku wuxuu yidhi waxaa la hor gaynayaa golaha wakiiladda oo ku ogolanaya ama ku diidaya cod hal dheeri ah.

dastuurku meelna kagama uu qeexin ama sheegin, ama tilmaamin ama fasilin magaca horgalaha golaha (The Chief of cabinet) oo sidaynu hore u sheegnay ku qoran dastuurka dalka Japan oo ah dalka keliya ee mansabkani isticmaala, isla markaana cidda maanta ku magacaaban xilkaasi Somaliland lama marin ama lama horgayna golaha wakiiladda,  marka waxay mac-naheedu tahay in xilkani uu yahay mid xaaran ah magacaabistiisu dastuuriyan, isla markaana sharciyan uu yahay mid sifahiisu yahay mid aan banaanayn maadama oo aanu ahayn xil maraya ama la marinayo golaha wakiiladda oo iyagu iska leh xilka ansixinta ama diidista mansabkani.

magacaabistii shakhsiga ku magacaaban xilka lagu sheegay chief of Cabinet-ka madaxtooyada waa mid aan sifahiisu ahayn mid sharci ah, ka baxsan dastuurka Somaliland isla markaana cidii magacawday oo ah Madaxweynaha dalku uu ku xad gudbay dastuurka dalka Somaliland, waa mid u baahan in cidda ay khusayso inay si cad uga hadlaan isla markaana arrintani si cad loo qeexo, layaabka ay magacaabista xilkani leedahay waxay tahay lama sheegin ama looma shaacin dadka iyo dalkaba awoodda Chief of Cabinet-ku waxay tahay, ma mid la mid ah awoodda wasiiradda, haddii ay la mid tahay maxaa loo marin waayey ansixinta golaha wakiiladda, ma mid ka hoosaysa haddii ay tahay maxaa loogu qeexi waayey awoodiisa digreetadii lagu magacaabay, waxaad mooda cidda la talinaysa Madaxweynaha Somaliland Mudane Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud inay iska indho tirayso dastuurku ummaddu lahayd ee Mudane Siilaanyo laftigiisu uu shallay dadkii doortay ee hogaanka ka dhigay uu ku beerlaxawsanaayey inuu ilaalin doono isla markaana uu ku dhaliilaayey madaxweynahii isaga ka horeeyey.

Qoraalkaygani ka xiga waxaan ku eegaya shaqaalaha dawladda, wuxuu dastuurka Somaliland ka yidhi, sifaha qofka shaqaale dawladeed ah looga qaadi karo xilka, iyo xuquuqda qofka shaqaalaha ahi uu leeyahay.
Lasoco qaybta 2aad ……………

Source: Mohamed Abdi Hassan (diridhaba)

diridhaba@gmail.com

Ma aha markii ugu horreysay ee Cukuse uu isticmaalo erayga “digniin”. Waxana la yaab leh nin sheeganaya Afyeen Madaxweyne oo isticmaalaya erayga “digniin”. Haddaba waxa habboon in uu Cukuse ogaado in aan erayga digniin ku jirin xeeraka Afayeenada Madaxda. Saxaafadda digniin lama siiyo. Maxaa yeelay marka aad tidhaahdo “Waxan uga digayaa” waxa daba taalla ciqaab, waxa ka dhadhamaya digtaatoornimo, waxay xambaarsan tahay “shaqo ayaan idinka qaban doonaa”, waxay la mid tahay ul taagan. Waa car juuq haddii kale is jira. Digniini ma aha hadal ku habbon Afayeen dal dimoqraadi ah oo xaqdhawraya saxaafadda  xorta ah ee aad adigu bahda ka ahaan jirtay.

Afayeenka waxa looga fadhiya in uu erayada uu odhaanyo ka fiirsado, eray kastana eego miisaanka uu leeyahay iyo macnaha uu xambaarsan yahay. Waa in uu wax kasta magaciisa ugu yeedhaa. Taasina arrin fudud ma aha haddii ay isga la dhib yartahay.

Waxa jirta sheeko tidhaahda faylasuufkii Shiinaha ee la odhan jiray Konfushiyas (Confiucius) ayaa mar la weydiiyey waxa ugu horreeya ee uu qaban lahaa haddii dalka xukunkiisa loo dhiibo. In yar markuu fikiray ayuu ku jawaabay: “ Waxa ugu horreeya ee aan qaban lahaa waxa weeyi waxan sixi lahaa wax kasta magaciisa. ( I would rectify the names of things).” Ninkii su’aasha u soo jeediyey ayaa isaga oo yaaban weydiiyey: “oo arrintaasi siday xukun wanaag u keeni kartaa?” Markaas buu faylasuufkii ku jawaabay:    “ Marka wax kasta magaciisu qaldan yahay, hadal caqliga gala laguma hadlo. Marka uu hadalku caqliga geli waayana waxna sida igu habboon looma qabto. Marka waxna sida ugu habboon loo qaban waayana dhismaha bulshada ayaa dhaawacma. Marka dhismaha bulshadu dhaawacmana ciqaabta iyo dambiga ayaa is leekaan waaya. Marka ciqaabta iyo dambigu is leekaan waayaana dadku waxay garan waayaan wax ay sameeyaan. Ninka qumani  wax kaleba ha sameeyee waa in aanu hadal aanu u meel dayin ku hadal.”  Sidaas bay diinteenuna u tidhi: “ (ilaahay) Aadam wuxu baray magacda….Wa calama Aadma Al Asmaa…”

Haddaba Cukusow waa inaad garataa in erayga kaa soo baxaa haddii aanad u meel dayin uu dhaawac gaadhsiin karo Madaxweynaha iyo dawladdaba. Hadhawna aanad Saxaafadda ku canaanan Karin.

Haddaba waxa lagaaga fadhiyaa ma aha digniino aad bixiso ee waxa kuu banaan in aad beeniso wixii aan jirin ee saxaafaddu qorto oo aad bayaamiso waxay runtu tahay. Erayada aad adeegsan karto marka aad doonayso in aad saxaafadda toosiso waxa ka mid ah: “ Waxa habboonayd, runtu waxay tahay, waxa wanaagsan, ilama habboona, way fiicnaan lahayd, waxan talo ku bixin lahaa iwm…”. Markaa digniin maya.

Waxa kale oo aad saxaafadda uga DIGTAY in ay ka fogaato ka hadalka amuuraha Diinta iyo Qabiilka. Waxase hubaal ah in aanay saxaafaddu abuurin muranka diinta iyo hadalhaynta qabiilka midna. Saxaafaddu waa dhuunmareen (medium) oo wixii dhaca ayuun bay werisaa. Qabyaaladda waxa baabiisa caddaalad. Haddii ay xukuumadda jirtaa caddaalada baahiso qabyaaladda hadalhaynteedu wuu iska baaba’aa, laakiin ha ka hadlina kuma aasanto. Waxad ogsoon tahay in Diktaatoorkii Siyaad Barre uu yidhi qabyaaladdii waan aasnay ee qofna yaanu ku hadlin isaguna uu hoosta ku haystay. Markaa arrintiisu waxay ahayd aniga ayuun bay ii banaan tahay in aan ku shaqaysto. Haddaba markaad amrayso saxaafadda in aanay qabyaalad ka hadlin miyaad illowday in ay saxaafaddu tahay ta looga baahan yahay in ay iftiimiso qaladaadka xukuumadda ee qabiilku ka mid noqon karo. Wuxu hadalkaagu u egyahay in aad leedahay indhaha naga weeciya waxbaan laaqanaynaaye. Ogsoonow saxaafaddu haddii ay u muuan weydo qabyaalad xukuumaddu waddo wax aan jirin qori mayso.

Arrinta diinta waa laga hadli haddii xukuumaddu soo kala dhex gasho dadka iyo ilaahay. Dadkeenu Muslim buu ahaa 14 qarni iyo ka badan. Markaa haddii Wasiirka Diinta iyo Awqaaftu fidmo abuuro oo uu yidhaahdo wixii aad soo caabudayseen aniga hortay waa waxba kama jiraan ee anigaa dariiqa toosan idinku ridaya saxaafaddu xaq bay u leedahay in ay dadka weydiiso in ay raalli ka yihiin iyo in kale. Xaq bay u leedahay in ay farta ku fiiqdo in diin waageeni ahi ina soo gashay, xaq bay u leedahay in ay sidii dacawga ka daba cido ciddii ummadda soofdaran habaabinaysa. Haddii aad doonayso in aad sida gorayada madaxa aasato saxaafadda waxa ku waajib ah in ay dadka tusto in qarqarka dambe uuni ku muuqdo oo uu maduxu ku aasan yahay.

Hadalkaagu wuxu u egyahay in saxaafaddu damqaday boogo aad doonayso in ay qarsoonaato ama ajandha aad soo wadateen oo aydaan doonayn in dadku ogaado. Haddiise ay kaa daacad tahay waxa fiicnaan lahayd in aad faahfaahin ka bixiso hadalada laga argagaxay ee fidna diineedka inagu abuuri kara ee ka soo yeedhay wadaadka aad arrimaha diinta u dhiibteen. Mase illoobay wadaadku in Idaacaddu hoos timaaddo Wasiirka Warfaafinta oo aanu isagu shuqul ku lahayn. Miyuuse illoobay in dalka xornimo ka jirto oo aanu cidna ku dirqiyi Karin bucsharad uu dibadda kala yimid.

Ogsoonow Cukusoow saxaafaddu aamusi mayso weliba waxa u dambaysa in ay badka soo dhigto halka wadaadku ka damqanayo iyo cidda uu gacan hoosaadka la leeyahay. Haddaba inta aad saxaafadda u dig iyo damlaynayso bal horta xukuumadda aad Afyayeenka u tahay bar sida wax walba magaciisa loo yidhaahdo adiguna u bilow, had iyo jeerna xusuuso in saxaafaddu mabda’eegu yahay: “wax la qariyo qudhun baa ku jiro.”

Bashir Goth

Email: bsogoth@yahoo.com

He went into the history books as the first president in post-colonial Africa to transfer power peacefully to an opposition leader. It is an event with special meaning for me personally; I earned my first pay check in that election as a paid student volunteer assigned to the polling station at Agabar, about 40 miles west of Hargeisa. It would be another 42 years before another fellow Somali followed suit under very different circumstances.

The sight of outgoing president Dahir Riyale Kahin and incoming president Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud sharing the podium at the inauguration was an iconic moment that history will record for posterity. The combination of grace in defeat and magnanimity in victory evident at this event is something all Somalilanders should be proud of. It is one of those portraits that give real meaning to the old dictum, “a picture is worth a thousand words”.  
Outgoing president Dahir Riyale Kahin said it best when he declared, “the election is over, the people have spoken, and we have a new government. I congratulate President-elect Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud and Vice President-elect Abdirahman Abdillahi. I pledge my support to the new government, and wish them success in the difficult job ahead. And I urge all Somalilanders to get out of campaign mode and file behind the new government for the good of our country and our people”.  Whatever his administration’s shortcomings during his tenure, and there were many, his graceful and dignified exit earned him a place in history.  
Memo to the New Government

The UDUB party was put in power by a Borama-Hargeisa-Berbera triangle of clan coalitions. The UDUB party calculated this was a firewall of unbeatable clan coalitions that would guarantee electoral success for years to come. It did not turn out that way. Over the years, cracks developed in that coalition and your Kulmiye party was able to successfully exploit those cracks. You have been able to put the government’s feet to the fire, shining light on its shortcomings, real or imagined, at every opportunity. You have been able to articulate a different vision; as an opposition party out of power, you were able to draw a stark contrast between your vision for good governance and the prevailing conditions under the incumbent government. The result was a well-organized grass-roots campaign that delivered a sizable electoral mandate for your party.
What to do with that mandate?
The goal of an election campaign is to win. Making promises in the heat of a campaign is the easy part. Delivering on those promises under the difficult circumstances Somaliland continues to face on many fronts is the hard part. Political parties that over promise and under deliver risk defeat at the next election. It is an inevitable cycle the fortunes of political parties must go through as the wheel of democracy turns through time.
The challenge facing you now is to deliver on your promises. You face an electorate that has not yet transitioned from clan to constituency politics. While each clan expresses public support for a smaller, more effective government, each still wants to get maximum advantage for their clan in the new dispensation. It is a zero-sum game that is difficult to navigate. Add Somaliland’s lack of access to international funding and investment sources; throw in its limited internal resources for development. All these, and some more, add up to a difficult task ahead.
These realities make one thing clear; the need to prioritize. How do you spend your political capital and the limited financial resources available in order to get the biggest bang for your buck at the shortest time possible and make a noticeable difference in the lives of the people? Your success in governing will not be measured by whether you have satisfied every clan’s demands for ministerial posts. It will be measured by whether or not you make a difference in the lives of ordinary Somalilanders who are struggling with their daily survival. Here is a non-exhaustive list of priorities for your consideration:
Creation of more employment opportunities through focused economic development.
Improvement of the dismal infrastructure that makes many important parts of the country inaccessible.
Improvement in education where every child of school age has access to public education.
Better administration of justice based on the rule of law applicable to all equally.
Encouragement of a free but responsible press, including private ownership of TV and radio stations with appropriate oversight and safeguards of the public airwaves.
Decriminalization of dissent
Opening of political space for more participation by civic groups and re-invigoration of the multi-party system.
Smaller but more effective pool of public employees, hired on the basis of their competence and suitability for the position rather than their clan affiliation; and a living wage for these employees that enables them to feed their families so they can concentrate on serving the people.
Continued good relations with neighboring countries in the region
Maintaining and strengthening the peace and stability established and nurtured over the past 19 years.
And last but not least, look forward not backward; do not waste energy and resources tearing down and blaming the previous administration. The sooner you get out of election mode and into governing mode the better.
Peace, democracy, and economic development constitute the three legs of the Somaliland stool. Peace and democracy has certainly been established and strengthened by previous administrations. It is the third leg, economic development, which continues to be wobbly. Fifty years after independence, many families are unable to provide one square meal a day for their families. Without economic progress, peace and democracy would not be sustainable (it is only in the perverted context of the situation in Mogadishu as a backdrop that not butchering your neighbors is regarded as a high achievement). Creating an environment conducive to public and private investment that creates employment opportunities will go a long way in improving economic conditions.
Memo to the Electorate

In a democratic society, elections produce winners and losers, and leave a residue of resentment between contestants and clans. But after a while, these feelings must wear off and give way to people coming together for the common good.  As the outgoing president said, the election is over. The people have spoken and made their choice. At a minimum, the new government deserves to be given a chance to earn your respect and tackle the common problems facing the country.
It is evident that many clans feel they did not get their fair share of elective offices and ministerial posts. While some power-sharing allocations seem obvious in their inequity, others are not easily discernible. The only way to get an objective method of allocation of elective seats is to conduct a scientific, internationally observed census that could be the basis for a system of proportional representation. This will put to rest the never-ending, often chauvinistic, inter-clan arguments about relative numerical strength and optimum representation. 
Getting a few more ministers for your clan who are unlikely to make a difference in the lives of your community is not as important as getting the new administration build roads, schools and clinics in your neighborhood. So, determine what is really important for your community and press the new administration to fulfill your community’s pressing economic, social, educational, and healthcare needs.  
Memo to the Somaliland Diaspora

Your involvement in Somaliland affairs from afar has been a doubled-edged sword. While many of you have and continue to play a constructive role, building businesses, providing humanitarian aid, and contributing to local community development projects, many others have specialized in tearing communities apart. You have access to technology that enables you to reach tens of thousands of your fellow brothers and sisters back home in real time. That is a huge capacity that could be a force for good. You have the opportunity to create vehicles for creative and critical thinking. Use it wisely and responsibly. Use that capacity to constructive ends that move your respective communities and clans back home to a higher plane. And never play to the fears and prejudices of your clan or sub-clan in pursuit of attention and grandeur. It is time all Somaliland media re-evaluate their role and responsibility to their communities back home. The
least you can do is to not make the situation any worse. As is often said, do not say anything unless you can improve on the silence.  

Yussuf Aden Kalib

Waxaan Salaamaya Walaalaha Walaalohood la jecel wanaaga iyo horumarinta,intaa ka bacdi waxaan saaka ku akay websaydyadeena skoolkii aan wada rajaynaynay ee ahaa gab(SECONDRY HIGH SCHOOL).

Kaasoo noqonaya school la seexdo cuntaa laga cuno claasyadana laga qaato, Waxaan halakan ugaducaynayaa ninkii fikradan lahaa (DR BELLE) iyo dadki ka qayb qaatay meelkastooy joogaan, ilaahay daqnbigiina ha dhaafo arinkasyo oo fiican ood soowadaana ilaahay ha idiin fududeeyo.

Waxan anigu ku faraxsanahay anigoo ah RASHIID CABDI BAKAAL iskuulkaa meesha laga dhisay waan soo arkay waanan tagay,waxa iga cajaabisay markaan ka soo dhaadacay xooray oo waa marka boorame xagga baki looga baxo ayaa lagalaa xooray ilaa aad tagayso lughaya ilaa saylac cabdlqaadir fardaha, geerisa waxa sckool ku yaala iyo caruur dhigata waan ka yaabay skooladaas ooy IQRA macalimiinta mishaarkooda siiso (MAA SHAA ALLAA) ayaan is idhi iskuulkaas boardinka ee laga dhisaayo geb caruurtani markay ka soo baxaan dugsiga dhexe jaanis aay kaga maarmaan inay boorame tagaanama aay iska joogaan dhulkooda xeebaha iyo bariga gobolka, waayo saylac iyo lughayena dugsiyo sare malaha ka u dhawi waa kaa boorame ku yaala.

Markaad aragtida dadka kunool eeriyadaas aan soo tiriyey aad bay u badan yihiin oo wax la dhayalsado maaha waxaan ku soo arkay indhahayga, iskoolkaasinaaad buu u anfacayaa, waana meel quruxbadan .

Doox dur-dur ayaaagmara iyo buuro aad o quruxbadan ayaa ka xiga galbeed waxaa ka xiga buuro koonfurna wayka xigaan iyo waqooyiga, waa dhul lagu faano laguno farxo.
Dekada lughayaana waay ku xigi doontaa insha,alla.
Wax aan ka sugnaa dad ama dawladi inayna jirin markaan lafaheena aan wax u wada qabsano gacmahana aan is wada qobsano waxkaste waan samaysanaynaa, ilaahayna wuu inagarab gali.
Gaba-gabdii waxaan leehay DR BELLE aad maad u mahadsantahay fikirkaagii wakaa hirgalayilaahayna ha ku garab galo.AAAAMMMMIIIN

Rashiid Cabdi Bakaal Ottawa Canad. 

ALLA-MAHADLE.

Waxa ku faafay dalka dulmiga iyo tacadiga loo gaysanayo muwaadiniinta reer Somaliland iyagoo ay xarqiyeen wadanka shacab abaqaal ah oo laga keenay wadamada jaarka. Hadab dalka Somaliland laga bilaabo maanta waxa ka curatay dawlad la filayo inay noqoto mid shacabku ku neefsado kuna iloobo dhibaatadii dheerayd ee ay soo mareen ee uu dhaxalsiiyey maamulkii canaanta mudnaa ee ku dhaqmayey qaybi oo xukun iyo ayaad taqaanaa ma’ahayn maxaad taqaanaa.

Hadaba xarumaha Booliska, xafiisyada dawlada, agaasimayaasha beenta iyo boobka ku shaqaynaayey, basaasiinta, dabadhilifka dalalka shishiiye u joogay Somaliland waxa la siinayaa fursad ah inay ka baxaan xafiisyada dawlada iyagoo ah sidii ay ku hayeen mudadii dheerayd ee aan la iloobi karin. Hadii ay cadaato inay maqan tahay hanti qarani waxa meesha ka baxaysa xadaadarada xisbiga Kulmiye ku faanayo oo waxa lagu qaban beenmasheegayaasha gacan bir ah. Beenmasheege micnihiisu ma’aha nin run sheeg ah ee waa qof ku caan baxay basaasnimo iyo dabadhilifnimo.

Codadkii gobolka Awdal ee shacabka ugu dirada badan ee Maxadcase siiyey UDUB wuxuu xisbigu ku tilmaamay khalad dhacay oo aan loo noqon doonin. degmooyinka Baki, Lughaya, Saylac waxa dega beelaha mucaaridka ah hadana dhawr hogaamiye oo beelaha Maxamad Case ka socda ayaa ku guulaystay inay iibsadaan codkii shacabka isbadal doonka ah iyagoo isticmaalaya Kaadhadh lasoo samaystay oo baabuur lagu siday. Waxa taas lagu cadaynayaa shacab aan ahayn Maxamad Case oo degan degaanka ka baxsan Borame ma jiro oo UDUB sheegan karto hadana % 50 ayey codkii shacabka xadeen.

Udub oo ahayd xisbi ku xididaystay Awdal ayaa keenay in codkii ugu badnaa raaco UDUB iyagoo curyaamiyey shacabka tiradiisii kuna shubtay degaanada Awdal ka mid oo aan lagu maqal inay taageeraan UDUB: Sida Baki, Saylac, Lughaya – ma joogo hal shaqsi oo odhan kara waxaan ahayn xisbiga UDUB oo waxaan matalaa beelaha aan ahayn Maxamad Case.

Doorasho intaa kuma dhamaan waxa hadhay wakhti faro badan oo lagu kala bixi doono cadaalad iyo sinaan ee aan lagu kala bixi doonin imisa Kaadh ayaad ka xaday maamulka doorashooyinka adigoo isticmaalaya shaadhka dawladnimo.

Hadana waa laga guulaystay UDUB oo waxa meesha ka raacday jab iyo hoog waana la’la xisaabtami hadii ay cadaato inay jabiyeen xeerarka dalka.

Hadaba maamulka UDUB ee buuxiyey xafiisyada dawladu waa in ay isku diyaariyaan sidii ay u banayn lahaa yeen xafiisyada iyagoo ku dhaqamaya sida sharciga waafaqsan. Dalka dhibaato badan ayey u gaysteen ee ayeyna mar danbe khaldamin. Hadii kale si sharciga waafaqsan ayaa loo xisaabin. Dambigooda imika waxa daboolaya xukuumadii UDUB ayaa ahayd mid magaceedu u taagan yahay “U’siyaadi Dulmiga Umada Baahan=UDUB” Umada u baahan dawlad gacan qabata ayaa dhibaato aan dhamaan la’la dabo joogay.

Maxamud Jamac

Baki, Awdal – Somaliland

Yaa wax siiya, bal adba garo. Waxay noqdeen duul ka xishooda kaaraamo jabkii ka haystay gacan aadmi ooy hoos dhigtaan, iyagoo habeen iyo dharaar u heegan hawl qaran. Waxa ugu hawl badan askarta taraafiga oo jidad qaab daran, iyo darawalo aan wadis aqoon, iyo shacbi xad dhaaf ah kala hagaaya, ayna u raacdo xoolo aan cidi wadin, gaadhi dameer daalan, iyo ey baabuurta hoos hadhsada.

Intaas ha ahaato iidaankii maqaalka, ee aan gudo galo dhacdooyin muujiyey sida guusha loo hantay, oon weli u qudhqudhsamin reer UDUB. Waxa weli Madax/xigeenka Aamed Yaasiin iyo Xoghgayaha Guud  si fog u baal marayaan waxa dhashay guusha Kulmiye, iyagoo meel kaga dhacaaya garaadka dadweynaha kala doortay 5 sano oo la mid ah 8 deedii ay soo mareen, wax-qabad la’aan, been joogta ah, laaluush, xatooyo iyo cay daramalka ay u garaacdo warbaahintii qaranku. Bal dhegayso dananka iyo kalsooniada ka soo baxaysa dhalintii cagta afka laga saaray…waa Radyow Hargeysa oo dardaaran iyo dhaliilo xukuumadda cusub looga digaayo ku adimeysay, waa TVgii qaranka oo ka hoos baxay qoyskii cunaha hayey..Maxaad ka filaysaa tartanka waxqabadka ay hormoodka ka yihiin Mayaor Jiciir iyo Ina Xoor Xoor. Maxa hore u diidanaa inay hawshan fuliyaan, maxay ujeedadoodu tahay? Ha ka tegin Taliye Saqadhi.. Waxa muuqata in labada oday yihiin kuwa keliya een garan in awoodda dadweynahu leeyahay, garaadkoodana qabaan, dad karaamo u dhashay oon badankooda baahida haysa ayna hoos u dhigeen sharaftooda, waa kuwa diiday inay codkooda eebshaan, waa kuwa KU CIIL BAXAY CODKOODA IYAGOO GAAJOONAAYA OO HARAADAN.

Waxaan ahaa kormeer Kulmiye ah iyo magaalada Hargeysa. Waxaan 7.30 ee subax u lugeeyey Dugsiga Gaandi oo dhowr talaabo u jira gurigaan deganay, xiligaas maan haysan warqadda Kormeerka oon sugaayey. Waxaan se xidhnaa koofiyadda U CODEE KULMIYE…waxaan galay dayrkii dugsiga oo laba saf oo midna dumar yahay midna rag si miyir ah loo taagan yahay. Waxay garaaceen sacabka iyagoo leh ..KUNNA YUU NA SIINE KULMIYAANU NAHAY.. waan la yaabay ciilka iyo cadhada haysa ee ayna qarin karayn dareenkooda.. Waan dhextegay oon idhi guulaysta..Waxa horjooga afar askari oo iyana sacabka iyo weedhaba la wadaagaaya…Wiil dhalinyaro ah ayaa kor u yidhi..Afartaa oday ee cumaamadaha sita ayaa naga UDUB ah  Waxaan idhi waa u xor codkooda ee iska daaya cayda iyo qof-tilmaamka…Adeer waa runtaa ee ilaa shalayto ayey kolba na lahaayeen naga iibiya codkiina.

Kolkaan bilaabay Kormeerkii oon ku wareegaynay baabuur uu weday walaalkay Cali nalana socday Baashe Cabdi, Guddoomiyaha Ololaha Kulmiye ee Galbeedku oo gaadhigiisii siiyey koox kale oo kormeer ah, ayaanu ka bilownay Kheyriyadda oo ah meel dad buux dhaafshay, safafku 8 iyo wax ka badan ay yihiin ay is-dhexgaleen . Waxa laga cabanayaa in siday safka u hayaan  kolkay gudhaha galaan la odhanaayo dib u noqda oo safka kale ayaa xarafka magacaagu ka bilaabmaa yahay. Haddana cadho ma jirto, ee samir aan qiyaas lahayn iyo go’aan adag ayey miyir dib ugu laabtaan… Weligiinba na celceliyaa walee KULMIYE ayey guushu raacaysaa…islaan 70 jir ah ayaa is haysan kari weyday ayaa ku tiraabtay.

Safkii oo lagu jiro ayuu nin xidhan kaadh ay ku taal magaca Komishanku soo dhexgalay dadkii isagoo ku amray si qaldan inay safafka kala bedelaan oo buuq dhashay..deedna koox dumar ah ayaa garatay…Waa tuug UDUB ah ee ha rumeysanina…waxa xigtay isagoo kabta loo naco..mabuu joogsan ee degdeg ayuu dhinaca suuqa u cararay.. Waa dareen labada oday ka qarsoon. Waxaanu gaalaa bixinay KIlinka, Biyo Dhacay, Sheekh madar, iyo meelo kale oo ka tirsan Gacanlibaax, 26ka Juun, Koodbuur  iyo Axmed Dhegax… Waa dhacdo kale iyo agagaarka masjidka Xawaadle.. Waxaa naloo sheegay in dadku diideen biyo iyo sharaab ay qaybinayeen reer UDUB…Ha cabina waa fal ee… Iyana waa dareen wax ku qaadasho leh..

Ku darso oo heesaha mobileka soo dhacaaba waxuu qaadayaa… Halyeeyadii…iyo KULMIYOW caynanaka hay…Waxa kaalinta labaad ah ..DILAAL NOO DHUUNTAYOW DHAADHAC…isgaadhsiinta KULMIYE waa heer sare ka xoog badan oo ka xooli badan ta CIAda..Waa Osmaan Saxardiid oo sacaad saacad nooga soo warama Oodweyne iyo Burco Galbeed,,,,Waa Cabdilaahi Gidhigidhi oon khadkeygaba ka bixin oo ka soo waramaaya Burco bari, waa Cali Isse oo soo kooba wararka Bari, ha ahaato Ceelafweyn, Garadag, Ceerigaabo, Laascanood, Caynaba iyo Buuhoodle… Waa war farxad leh oo dhammaan sheegaaya in Guushu tahay KULMIYE…maan garan xiligaas waxa reer UDUB maqlayeen…kolayba warbaahintooda oo ku salaysnayd been iyo riyo iyo faal wey garan weyday dareenkii dadweynaha.

Waxa ayaan darro ah in guushaas lagu sheego mid ka dhalatay is-kaashiga cadowga Somaliland gudo iyo debedba, sida Xoghayaha UDUB sheegay. Waxa iyana gef ah in shaki la galiyo codka dadaweynaha u guntaday danta guud, diiday in codkooda ay siistaan qadhiidh, oo la yidhaahdo waa la farsameeyey, sida uu qabo Madax/xigeenku. Waxa cad in hadalkaasi yahay mid lid ku ah danta qaranka, loona nisbeen karo mid cadownimo ah, oon ka naxayn magaca iyo maamuuska uu leeyahay qaranka Soomaliland ee ammaanta iyo sharafta ka helay doorashada sida weyn adduunku ugu qiimeeyey.

Aqlabiyadda xoogga badan ee codka siisay KULMIYE, waa mid shacbigu ay ku muujiyeen inay bislaadeen, gaadheen heer ay garteen inay iyagu awoodda leeyihiin, hoggaanka ay doortaana ay badeli karaan. Waa u digniin hoggaanka cusub, waxaana waajib noqotay in la joogteeyo la-xisaabtan cid kasta oo xil haysa. Waana mid hoggaanka cusubi ku xisaabtamaayo, awoodeed, kartideed iyo aqoonteedna leh. Waana sida uu ku bilaabay la-tashiga ballaadhan ee bulshada uu u fidiyey, si uu u helo fikir iyo hab uu ku soo xulo rag iyo dumar uu ku aamino fulinta barnaamajkii uu ummadda u soo bandhigay, shacbiguna ugu codeeyey.

Waxa iyana ah talaabo horukac ah in la dhisay Guddiga Ilaalinta iyo Dabogalka Hantida qaranka, ood moodo in meelaha qaar laga sheegaayo in lagu dhacay hanti gaadiid iyo qalab kale leh, iyo guryo la magac guuriyey. Intaba waxay tahay in Madaxweyne Riyaale inta u hadhsan ka hawl galo, haddii kale iyadoo dabagal lagu samayn doono, waxay noqon doontaa mid magac xumo ku noqon karta, taariikhdana u gali doonto, laguna xusuusan doono. 

Waa guusha KULMIYE oo loo rogo guusha dadweynaha, taasna waxa lagu gaadhayaa in la hanto himmiladooda oo la hormariyo kolba danta guud ta ugu culus. Waxoo dhanna waxa horseed ka ah xukuumadda cusub ee la sugaayo. Waana waajib in xilka loo dhiibo rag iyo dumar lagu xulo aqoon, karti iyo daacadnimo, iyo waxii kale een danta guud looga maarmeyn. Waa tan shacbigu ku codeeyey, waana tan barnaamajka xisbigu ku dhisan yahay, hoggaankuna aaminsan yahay. Waa muraayad laga akhrisan karo fulinta iyo ka-midho-dhalinta barnaamajkii guusha lagu dhaliyey.

Allaa mahad leh, guushana aan ka midho dhalino, Allana aan talo saarano.

Ahmed Arwo

MSc. Finance and Accounting

Hargeysa

409 6421      

I spent the 1990s trying to decipher Somaliland and the positions of neighbouring countries and major global powers,when I was so oddly interrupted by the emerging menace and litrature of the Islamists and their entry to military politics.

Medhane Tadesse

Anyone who served on the academic front of conflict analysis in the Horn of Africa is likely to prick up his ears and experience a kind of mental salvation at the recent democratic elections in Somaliland. Somaliland has a special place in the political developments in Africa, especially in the Horn. This paper is concerned with the broader political issues surrounding the recent democratic elections.It will no dwell on the details of election politics or the nature of political parties.   It aspires to serve as an analytical guide through the pressures and triumphs of one of the most important but least-recalled political achievements in Africa.The fact that Kulmiye won the election is not a surprise, and is beside the point. The most important issue is the political background that led to a vibrant multi-party politics and the most democratically contested elections in Africa.

The three most revealing moments that shaped my view on and engagement with Somaliland are 1) the locally rooted traditional conflict resolutions mechanisms in the early 1990s that brought calm and stability 2) the death of its President, Mohammed Ibrahim Igal and the coronation of a new president in less than three hours, all constitutionally administered. Somaliland is very lucky to have survived the death of its most important president. It also proved that politics in Somaliland is more about rules and less about individuals. And thirdly, the fisrt closely contested democratic election in 2003, in which the incumbent won by only less than 80, highly controversial, votes but failed to result in post-election violence. This tells more about the nature and historicity of the Somaliland elite and the political culture of negotiation, than the strength of its institutions. With little help from outside, Somaliland has achieved considerable progress in the consolidation of statehood: in a nationwide referendum held in 2001, the country adopted a new constitution with overwhelming support from the voters.

In April 2003, presidential elections were held and in September of the same year parliamentary elections took place. Both elections were declared open and fair by foreign observers. All this triggered hope and eagerness to continue engage in Somaliland affairs. It became a passion. With all the interruptions and distractions from the multi-faceted peace and security issues surrounding the Horn of Africa region, I had to always revert back to dealing with the case for Somaliland. Unlike other new-born states Somaliland was not something of an enfant terrible as a young and unrecognized nation of a few million people. Despite the enormous odds and challenges faced at the time of its 1991 declaration of independence, Somaliland has made tremendous progress in building peace, security and a constitutional democracy within its borders inherited from the colonial period. It is a telling commentary of what works and what don’t work in the Horn of African sub-region. My engagement with Somaliland in the closing decades of the twentieth century was both thrilling and discomforting. Thrilled to see a young and hopeful political community, but depressed to learn the world was not paying attention, let alone provide support.

If there is one thing that supporters of Somaliland insist upon, it’s that the independent country has become a source of hope and pride in the volatile and politically backward Horn of African region. It is the only area hospitable to credible and democratic elections. Somaliland proved that even an impoverished nation can succeed in building and nurturing local institutions for peace and democracy. They are home grown institutions. As Somaliland concluded its recent democratic election this week the one thing that seems to hover in my mind is the uniqueness of its experiment. Some of the stories had already been told. At least some of the facts are simple enough to understand: the dominance of one major clan, the Isaaq clan family. But again one would expect the same sub-clan politics as in southern Somalia.
The unique process in Somaliland is not hard to explain. I think there are various and multi-layered political reasons for it. Unlike other parts of Somalia, Somaliland followed traditional mechanisms of conflict resolution and used them to their highest limits. The protracted clan and political reconciliation processes cemented in the successive Borama conferences in the early to mid-1990s served as bedrock for long term political stability and political transition. More innovative were the clan sanctioned Disarmament Demobilization and Reintegration/DDR/ rituals that led to comprehensive and parallel demilitarization of all the major clans. It created trust and confidence among the main Isaaq sub-clans and ensured predictability between them. This must have removed the weaponry that would have inflamed conflict and violence. This was done without external support. No wonder this is glaringly missing in southern Somalia, where misguided demobilization efforts by the US/UN forces run amock.Nonetheless,the role of traditional leadership in Somaliland is critical to the whole political process.

And probably due to British indirect rule the power and influence of traditional authority remains highly significant. Indeed, the political culture in Hargiessa mutated into a hybrid political system of Westministrial and Somali traditional values, as is evidenced in the web of political negotiations of a traditional kind and some sort of parliamentary democracy. Probably, the political generation groomed by the British is fast disappearing due to age and the new socio-economic changes, not to mention the spread of Islamist movements. The culture of negotiation is still strong. Probably related to the above is the concession building mechanisms that developed between the business class and the political elite, particularly the livestock trading class. Compounding this is the locally rooted economic foundations of the political establishment which became relatively immune to the predatory nature of the state and its fatal dependence on foreign aid. Another significant departure from the processes in southern Somalia. The Somaliland political elite focused on internal legitimacy as opposed to external/international legitimacy. It pursued a political direction that is locally owned, participatory and locally financed.

Political ownership without some financial commitment is always illusive, and this partly explains the problems of state building in southern Somalia. A major disparity with the process in Somaliland. The contextual, albeit pragmatic marriage between the political elite and the business class was the main defining feature of the political system in Somaliland, though it was briefly attempted by the Somali Islamists in mid 2006,when the Union of Islamic Courts leadership cemented a kind of profit-sharing arrangement with leading business leaders in Mogadishu.  This is quite revealing on what works and what don’t work in Somalia. Such largely magnanimous political arrangement in Somaliland averted the usual fight over the foundations of the state as evidenced in many parts of the Horn and the African continent at large. Clearly, in many parts of Africa, the fight over the state in the past decade and a half has been at once violent and so disabling that, state institutions are weak and their legitimacy is highly contested. Such a grim reality has been largely avoided in Somaliland. Governments run by small elite groups with partisan agendas and militarized conception of security are sources of turmoil and less suitable for conflict resolution. Most of these states have yet to create inclusive, representative and legitimate political processes and systems.  Somaliland did. Besides, Somaliland was lucky that it was liberated by a coalition of clan forces whose end set was only the liberation of the territory, nothing more nothing less.

The Somaliland National Movement/SNM/ and its leadership did not aspire to capture state power and hold it for ever, as was the case with the other liberation movements in the sub-region. Many leaders of the SNM did not harbor partisan political and economic agendas. The SNM was constructed and designed only to fight the war and allow a political and reconciliation process go forward. Unlike, ideologically (leftist) oriented liberation movements; the SNM did not pose an inherent threat to democracy. The bottom line is that, the force that liberated Somaliland and prepared it for a new political process resembled a mass movement than a highly regimented, secretive, militarized and ideologically driven interest group. This allowed for a more participatory clan reconciliation process to be conducted. What followed was less of a victor’s justice and more of a broad-based reconciliation process. The problems and traps associated with liberation movements in power didn’t exist in the post-1991 Somaliland Republic. However, the new dispensation in Somaliland attracted little external attention. Ever since, the world has been almost exclusively preoccupied with Somalia (Mogadishu) and its instability, its endless fighting and the resulting famines, while turning its back on a stable and democratic Somaliland, rated as one of the most peaceful countries not only in the Horn of Africa but on the whole continent.

I fell in love with Somaliland “more or less by accident” in the mid 1990s when I took the liberty to cross the Ethiopian border by car to reach Hargiessa. It is fair to say that up to this point I knew almost nothing about politics and history of Somaliland, two subjects in which I have become wise since. Unlike journalists who take every advantage of such an opportunity I only focused on what makes the dispensation in Somaliland very different from other parts of Somalia and quickly found an audience in Ethiopia ready to learn things about Somaliland. Even the name Somaliland was hardly recognizable in Addis Ababa. In those days, aid groups let alone journalists and diplomats were uninterested to visit Somaliland. My first write up when Somaliland was little more than a rumor in policy circles around the region and beyond, was a polemical and descriptive work. Very little analysis of the clan dynamics and nascent political forces. There was real hunger for news and information; more for analysis, on Somaliland. So I had to do that, and it was a truly fascinating experience. Often, the service I used to deliver to Somaliland, I should say, resembled a spontaneous advice on regional matters, much of it communicated orally to the president, his foreign minister or the speaker of parliament.

Clearly, in those days Somaliland was not experiencing a democracy but it was calm and peaceful. I am always the view that an injustice is being done to the Somaliland people and there is something scandalous about this. Most of the objections to Somaliland independence are either false or fairly trifling. The Republic of Somaliland was created on May 18, 1991 when the political leadership of Somaliland, strongly supported by the entire population, re-claimed the independence of its territory after the collapse of the Siad Barre regime and the Somali Republic it had ruled. Independence had originally been gained from Britain, the then colonial power on June 26, 1960. Shortly afterwards, Somaliland decided to unite with the former Italian colony of Somalia, thereby realizing – at least partly – the dream of a Greater Somalia that was supposed to encompass eventually all the territories inhabited by Somalis. As soon as the Greater Somalia project stumbled, unleashing a series of unnecessary wars and violence on its way around the region, the ideological imperatives of the Union went bankrupt. From the beginning, the union did not work out well for Somaliland, and finally ended in an absolute disaster. When, after a decade of liberation war, Somaliland withdrew from the defunct union, this was not an act of secession but rather the return to the status quo ante. So much is true. Somaliland independence is well grounded in history, probably legality, and definitely on the imperatives of justice and democracy.
 
I spent the second half of the 1990s trying to understand Somaliland and decipher its unique qualities as well as the failure of the international community. I continued to do so until the first few years of the new century, when I was so oddly interrupted by the newly emerging menace and literature from the Somali Islamist Movement: the Muslim Brotherhood Movements, al-Islah and al-ittihad, the UIC, so on and so on. Another glitch was the less impressive composition and strategy (at least for me) of the post-Ibrahim Igal political leadership on everything that matters to Somaliland. The case against President Riyale Kahin goes to character, integrity and competence. He makes grave decisions on the basis of inadequate or incompetent advice, willfully persists in them though they prove mistaken, and surrounds himself with people careful not to unsettle his misguided views. This is more evident on the strategy of securing international recognition and the issues surrounding the recent pre-elections crisis. The growing domination of Somaliland politics by less thoughtful figures and bizarre electoral considerations has made the task of ‘friends of Somaliland” more difficult than in the past. The ineptitude and inefficiency of those who surrounded the president has more and more overshadowed the case for Somaliland and its much desired international legitimacy. No doubt, Ahmed Silanyo, the leader of Kulmiye deserves support not only because he won in a fair play  but also due to his strong personality and perseverance, most needed in a country that is facing the daunting task of creating an effective government and attracting the much needed international support.
While Somaliland’s position within the Horn generally improved, its relations with its Western partners/donors have deteriorated,aggravated bt the pre-election political crisis. This is particularly true for the Nairobi donor group of six members: EU, UK, US, Sweden, Norway and Denmark, organized in the Democratization Programme Steering Committee that funded the voter registration in Somaliland and had also committed funds for the elections themselves. Many partners and Somaliland intellectuals were frustrated by the way Somaliland foreign relations were run. Particularly, a core group of supporters became increasingly irritated by the occasional political flirtation driven by parochial interests which posed an imminent danger to democratic elections i.e. the repeated postponements of the election date, accompanied by extensions of the mandate of President Rayale by the non-elected Upper House of the Parliament, the Gurti.Clearly, there was a sense of rejection and apathy towards the future of Somaliland, when on 28 July the National Electoral Commission ruled that the voter register that had just been finalized at a cost of 10 million US$, would not be used for the elections, the donor group suspended any further funding and in fact withdrew from the whole election process. Internal and external pressure combines to resolve the impasse and considerably change the course of Somaliland politics. My appreciation also goes to president Riyale who decided to live up to the expectations of the Somaliland people, friends of Somaliland and the international community at large.President Riyale accepted the result and congratulated the president-elect Mr.Ahmed Silanyo.

Some would declare that recognition of Somaliland will complicate the search for peace in southern Somalia. The fear that it will open a Pandora box is well-spotted, but hardly enough to support the tendentious assertion of the first. There is a vein of anti-Somaliland sentiment in the UN structure and the Arab block, which has long been characteristic of a state-based system and conventional if not obsolete geostrategic considerations and has been inflamed by the wars that engulfed countries after some kind of secession. The result was troublingly obvious. The international community through the Security Council of the United Nations, decided in 1994 to ignore the wish of the population of Somaliland and not to follow the precedent of numerous other cases where formerly independent countries had quit larger unions (United Arab Republic, Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, Senegambia, Serbia and Montenegro) and been once again recognized as independent. Somaliland is not only independent; it is also a democracy. Probably, the only country in Africa where the opposition controlled the majority seats for more than six years while the ruling party fully commands the Executive branch. And this happened in a sub-region allergic to political reconciliation, power sharing and democratic elections. That is no small achievement. In a region not welcoming for free and fair elections, Somaliland remains towering.
I was attracted to Somaliland in a the most humbling way of appreciating the accomplishments of the Somaliland people and before I knew it developed into the defense of the Somaliland peoples’ will, their resilience and endurance. A curiosity that is empathetic, yet difficult to fool-spring up as a tool to help me study and engage. However, I must admit,that there was a sort of revulsion at the horror of war and destruction, and most importantly at the indifference of the international community and distrust of anything happening in southern Somalia but also because I believed in a mixture of sincere elements of antiauthoritarianism and anticlericalism. Of course, the symbolism was fragile, and often painfully easy to see through. The first closely contested democratic election in the Horn faced a crisis and had to fly to Hargiessa to consult with the political leaders and Somaliland intellectuals. Fifteen years later I still recall the first political event I observed at close range and shaped in my mind in the form of a story. But I have resisted the prospect and pressure of becoming a more useful Somaliland expert. But in another respect, my work was not in vain. I had to instill interest and energy on African,particularly Ethiopian foreign policy circles. In the early days I had often borne the burden of explaining the unique experiment in Somaliland and the achievement of its people to the Ethiopian-Horn of African-audience. Now the case for Somaliland is widely recognized by many, intellectuals and diplomats alike. Even this one is not a minor achievement.It is a strategic capital that Somaliland leaders need lean on to make their case.

Somaliland remained a country that had less and less importance for the global powers. For too long there was no Somaliland policy, only the de facto promotion of Somali unity. This left many, including the US ignorant about what was happening in Hargiessa, less the value of Somaliland. The Pentagon and CIA as well as the State Department had no presence in Somaliland or the capacity to monitor events there, let alone the ability to develop useful sources and allies inside the country. For the preceding fifteen years, I have been warning Western and African diplomats of the dangers of ignoring the country. That the UN and IGAD were involved in futile peace and reconciliation attempts in southern Somalia created the false impression that there was a policy on Somalia. In actual fact there was none. As events in Mogadishu have shown, this was an illusion.

A major gap in regional security policy is the lack of active international engagement with the government in Hargiessa.The international community’s policy on the Horn is failing because its Somalia policy wasn’t working. Its Somalia policy is not working mainly because a policy on Somaliland is lacking. Somaliland should become a vital component of any regional policy. The crisis of the state in the Horn and the Red Sea (including the volatile situation in Yemen) makes serious engagement with Somaliland more pivotal than ever. Somaliland badly needs international political support, adequate assistance for its security institutions, and funding for rebuilding the country. And that was not coming. Somaliland’s peace and democracy is being starved to death. All were neglected by the US. Similarly neglected was humanitarian aid and capacity building.

The locally owned, participatory, genuine traditional conflict resolution process and grassroots support for peace and reconciliation in Somaliland should have been followed up by extensive local reconstruction projects, providing not only schools but, among much else, security forces, a basic welfare system, and jobs. If this has been done, local sources of reliable force against Islamist inroads would also have been found. Instead, the world focused on the warlords in the south, Somaliland was ignored, its achievements were not recognized and its people not rewarded. The political process in Somaliland is unique in the sense that it was a financial agreement between the political and business class. Its leaders were never provided with the funds, equipment, personnel, and other support they would have needed to put Somaliland peace and democracy on solid foundations. The hunt for the state in southern Somalia took on more importance than the existence of one in Somaliland, even though there is still no conclusive evidence that this will succeed. It ignored already achieved success over an illusive route to success.

Arguably, Somaliland is the only available platform to stabilize and democratize Somalia. After what appears to be the end of a political and constitutional crisis that had been consuming virtually all political energy of the Somaliland government to the detriment of foreign policy considerations, there is need of a thorough assessment of the support that external partners can and wants to continue giving to Somaliland. The lack of attention has probably allowed the Islamists to establish even closer links to the local population and to find a niche in political parties and find more support if they think they are threatened. No hindsight is required in order to make this judgement.What needed to be done after the first democratic elections should have been obviouse.Any one in his right mind should have recognized the achievements of the Somaliland people and provided support as soon as possible. What the world could have done to recognize Somaliland will always be debatable. What is unforgivable is the failure of the current US administration to channel and maintain meaningful support and provide the resources and man power needed to rebuild Somaliland and to arrest the deterioration of the socio-economic situation, and its decision to go to war with the Islamists in Mogadishu instead.

The recently concluded election matters for many reasons. It may have profound effects on how business is run in Hargiessa, or the conduct of foreign policy. Most importantly, this election will decide whether a capable and competent leadership emerges in Somaliland. The danger has always been that in foreign policy,the urge to quick answers(a kind of yes and no questions) and toward metaphysical simplicity eventually obliterates the careful weighing of interests and risks that must guide a more sustainable and serious process of achieving international recognition. A clearly articulated policy was developed with the help of academic specialists, who are also friends of Somaliland in 2006, but it has been easily ignored and the Riyale government reverted back to the old method and rituals of diplomacy. The new president should urgently reassemble the available resource and facilitate the development of a comprehensive strategic framework. The country could aim at a step-by-step improvement of its role, starting with IGAD and finally targeting the African Union. The wealth of experience represented by the new president could serve as a tipping point. After all, the immediate threat to Somaliland in recent years has never been the lack of international recognition or the possibility of a military attack from the radical Islamists in southern Somalia, but rather the lack of strong and solid leadership in Hargiessa. A functional government that could deliver social goods responsibly and effectively could go a long way in reinforcing democracy and achieving stability. Here in lies the importance of a strong leader and a credible as well as legitimate government. As to the international community, this is an opportune time to make real difference. Now the US, EU, AU and IGAD should try to make up for the lost time. The Islamists seem to have effectively interrupted my full time engagement with the affairs of Somaliland, and I hope they will not be able to do the same to the quest for democracy and prosperity in that country.
 
By: Medhane Tadesse
 
Sources

 1. Most of the analysis in this commentary is the result of personal accounts as well as several discussions with Somaliland and Somali leaders spanning to more than fifteen years.
 2. Medhane Tadesse,”Conflict Resolution Best Practices in Africa”. in the Twalu Dialogue. May 2008
  3. According to the Electoral Commission Kulmiye won 49%,UDUB won 33% and UCID got around 17% of the votes.

When there is righteousness in the heart, there is beauty in the character. When there is beauty in the character, there is harmony in the home. When there is harmony in the home, there is an order in the nation. When there is order in the nation, there is peace in the country.

It was to be an election to put Somaliland on the road to true democracy and steady governance for the next five years. But democracy does not always ensure clarity. After sour campaigns, Somaliland people presented a decent election, if not a distinctive one.

Preliminary polls told that only three in five of those who were supposed to vote thought that the election would not make a real change in the situation of the country. Sadly, if not surprisingly, Nine out of Ten of those who went to polling stations voted emotionally instead of rationally.

This situation gives a clear picture of a nation that was tired, bored and cynical – and that was how it voted.

Nationwide voting turnout was just very small. Even in the hotly contested regions of Hargeisa and Burco, only 35 percent of the eligible voters went to the polling stations. “People” especially gullible people – women and the young – were those who went to polling stations.

Overall Kulmiye party won the election with a bigger margin of the popular vote. Looking back at the election campaigns, the two opposition parties took roughly the same line, so Somaliland saw little difference between the ruling party and the  opposing ones except in the extravagant promises made by the opposition and the equally extravagant abuses each opposition leader showered on the outgoing president, Mr Dahir Riyaale Kahin.

One of Siilaanyo’s strategic election campaigns has been to reinvent himself as a man of change. He made it a point to be associated with ideas, like the revival of Berbera city and rebuilding its port, which lends him the image of an innovator. He has been liberally telling dreams of a new prosperity. He promised to make Berbera another Hongkong. He even went to proclaim that its parched land would soon turn green right after his election.

It is too eary to say that there is no sign of such dreams. But we only see now celebrations that are a sign of joy and childish congratulations not tied inexorably to any national triumph, leave alone new ideas and initiatives that show new enterprising objectives.

The people will judge Siilaanyo on what kind of government he will form, on what kind of people he will choose as his cabinet ministers, and on how he will build the bond that keeps all Somalilanders together as one nation. Uneasy lies the head that wears the crown.

This means that the workload waiting for the president-elect is difficult and much tougher than that anybody might imagine.
The challenge for mr Siilaanyo is to maintain a national vision for Somaliland and at the same time to focus on the pressing issues. The urgent need is to improve both hardware (roads, airports and infrastructure) and software (human capital, education
and health).

Ask a student “what comes first” and he would reply “studies.” Ask a jobless man the same question and he would reply “job creation.” Ask a politician the same question and he would say “people.” Noble thoughts indeed but the question is how. How the president-elect will fulfill htese tall hopes? Where the resources to create employment opportunities will follow from? Handouts will never help any nation to get out of its tight situation.

Human development and its mobilization can make miracles. What we need are professionals, intellectuals, and thinkers who have other kinds of work experiences than the existing political trends to bring their different mindsets into the political process.  Somaliland needs people who can make a contribution that will broaden the scope of politics and improve administrative behavior and work ethics and efficiency. Individuals who only want the freedom to see where their talent will take them are our favorite kind of people. These are the kind of people Somaliland need.

What everyone fears is a continuation of enervating feuding system that effectively paralyzed all previous administrations in the past. If Somaliland state is to be saved from being wrecked, the newly elected president must distant himself from those whose slogan and sole objective has been, and still is to capture the power by hook and crook and through this mere means try
to run the country according to their outlook. Whether the president-elect, Mr Siilaanyo, who fought like a willful child in the past, will see reason this time remains open to question. It may be that a stern parent in the form of a saint may at this time be needed to instill political discipline.

In conclusion, when there is righteousness in the heart, there is beauty in the character. When there is beauty in the character, there is harmony in the home. When there is harmony in the home, there is an order in the nation. When there is order in the nation, there is peace in the country. 

Jama Falaag
Jeddah, Saudi Arabia

My team observed the Borama district of Awdal province, and we visited ten polling centers in the eastern rural area. The voting process was extremely meticulous. In order to vote you must have had a voter registration card, which looked like a typical American driver license. If you did not have a voter registration card, you must have had a validation certificate and your name must have been on the voters list. The voters list had complementary photos next to every name. This process insured that only registered voters voted, and it diminished any chance of manipulative voting.
It should be noted that polling station workers were students from Amoud University and Hargeysa University. I was very impressed by the polling station workers’ management skills. Also, every polling station had political party agents, playing the roles of checkers and balancers. These agents did their own count of how many voters came to their respective polling station.
Once the polling station workers deemed you eligible, they took your left-thumb print and than placed it next to your name and photo. The ballots were vividly colored with each parties name and symbol on it. The voting booth was secured and voters were able to vote secretly. After voting, the voter placed their ballot into a sealed ballot box.
If a voter was illiterate, a polling station worker asked the voter who they wanted to vote for. After that, they placed an “X” next to their respective candidate and showed their fellow workers, and political party agents, the vote. Once everyone agreed that the “X” was placed in the correct slot, the worker folded the ballot and gave it back to the voter to place in the ballot box. The illiterate were empowered by this process, further strengthening Somaliland’s democratic character. After the voter cast their vote, their left pinky finger was dipped into indelible ink, diminishing the possibility of double voting (it should be noted that polling station workers checked everyone’s hands before giving them a ballot).
After observing the ten rural polling stations, my team returned to Borama (capital of Awdal province) and observed the closing of a polling station. The process of counting the ballots was also meticulous. The polling station workers unsealed the ballot box, counted the votes openly, than resealed the ballot box. After the total was calculated, all polling station workers and party agents signed a document indicating that they all agreed on the results.
In conclusion, I am proud to say that overall I observed free and fair elections. Somaliland continues to prove that an Islamic African country can be democratic. I was extremely impressed by the numerous women voting, some polling stations had more women than men voters. The international community should welcome the Republic of Somaliland as the world’s newest democracy.

Aman H. D. Obsiye

Walaalyaal waxaan idiinku hambalyaynaynaa guusha balaadhan eed gaadheen waxan leenahay mabruuk alf mabruuk waxan idinku dardaaraynaa in aad dalka u horseedaan horowmar xag dhaqaale iyo daganaashaba tahniyada waxaa diraya dadka hoos ku qoran
1.salawaad maxamed muuse

2. sharmaarke cabdirahman xadi (khaan)

3.cumar mahdi cumar

4.qayaad geedi

5.ibrahim geedi

6.mahdi geedi

7.raadiya geed

8. hooyo ixsan ibrahim good

9.hinda ibrahim nuur

10. sacaada xasan geele

11.jamiila cumar

12. fadxiya cusman barkhadle

13.shukri jamac cadar

14.ifraax beer u jiif

15.ubax maydhane geele
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