These colonial powers who determine who is recognized or not did not bother to recognize the aspirations of the people of Somaliland. Some of the blame will go around and falling a little short of reaching our ultimate goal. Both our leaders and the Diaspora failed to articulate the importance of our independence and its utmost importance to everybody including our neighboring dictators who call themselves IGAD (which I call Ill-educated IIDAAD DESPOTS). Somalilanders must tell the world, had they fail to recognize our hard won independence the whole area will be not see peace. We must bluntly tell our neighboring despots nobody else will enjoy independence if the people of Somaliland are denied to have their Allah given rights for freedom. They must know Somalilanders are determined to safe guard their sovereignty and will keep, and sustain It by any means necessary. Despite all that there is a flicker of hope in the horizon. The ongoing Arab spring will revolutionize both regional and international politics. Already it made two regional lackluster rubber stamps pseudo-organizations called the Arab league and so-called African Union on the verge of becoming obsolete and irrelevant. The later failed and was even stood by the violently ousted Kaddafi when was ravaging Libya. The Arab League miserably failed to do anything abut Syria, Yemen and Egypt. Therefore, these revolutions are expected to effect radical structural change in the world. In that back drop Somaliland cause may be received a region which already lost four of its staunchest anti-Somaliland dictators, Mubarak, Giraffe, Saleh and Zhine Al-Abidine Bin Ali. The political landscape surrounding Somaliland is much different than what it was just a year ago. The other thing we need to vigorously try is to find friends and allies everywhere in the world including the state of Israel.

After more than 20 years, who do we blame for the lack of diplomatic recognition and how do we go around this never-ending “somali-wayn” quagmire to attain our goal? To be blunt and humble at the same time, I think we can only blame ourselves, to certain degree, and of course our past and current governments! Well, some will argue that Kosovo, South-Sudan, South-Ossetia, Abkhazia…all had powerful political friends such as (respectively), the West and Russia…Even thought, legally speaking, we, somalilanders have a stronger case because we existed as an independent nation already (which means our cause is not in conflict with that “sacred AU and UN territorial indivisibility act). But yet, we seem to be having hard time convincing the world to our, well justified, cause and win some friends. Yes, as she said, that famous singer, “Gadhba gadhbaa la tusaayeh, gacalkeen miyuu lumay…” Gacalkeen or our supposed friends are, unfortunately the anti-democratic-Arab-Muslim brothers who sadly ganged up on our beloved democratic Somaliland…Why? Because we are simply the example and the embodiment of Hope and Progress, in all the sense of the words, unlike them. But still…why couldn’t or can’t we win the heart and mind of the “free world” or those of Kosovo, South-Sudan, Eritrea, South-Ossetia, Abkhazia… at least? Well, this is leading me back to one of my above questions: Who to blame for this stalemate?

First of all, we, Somalilanders, except celebrating and partying on May 18th, don’t advocate or express ourselves as vehemently, (peacefully of course) as we should in front of the world. We are everywhere on this planet, yet we are too invisible to be taken so seriously by the international community. Just look at how Palestinians are exhibiting their cause to the highest political level, the UN, without mentioning their clever use of the international media. A huge-gigantic Palestinian flag is hoisted in front of the EU office in Brussels as a reminder of the Palestinian rights to self-determination. Did we forget how, tirelessly, the former Yugoslav republics citizens were present day and night in the streets of the biggest world capitals? In other words, they were LOBBYING hard for their causes. But even if we, the ordinary Somalilanders, failed or not willing to organize ourselves to that level, WHERE was or is our government? Do we or does our government understand what is nationhood? At this crucial juncture of our unfinished democratic and peaceful struggle, our politicians have the moral responsibility to lead, support, assist and encourage us in organizing us, the citizens, no matter where we are in this world (more importantly in the west). What other noble cause than this would they (the government) assist us with if they remain passive all the time? How much money would the organization of a peaceful rally (in front of the world) cost our government, at least twice a year, in front of the UN and EU headquarters or even at Westminster? Certainly not even a fraction of the kind of money our politicians spend wastefully on themselves. We’re all aware of that by the way. But my point is that our governments were (in the past) and is passive, inert…

We need an efficient, active, competent and operational LOBBY group set up and funded by the government of Somaliland in order to get the international community attention and acceptance. It’s been more than 20 years brothers and sisters. If peace and democracy prevail in Somaliland today, it’s thanks to the ordinary Somalilanders who worked hard for that. It’s not politicians who brought that to us. We know what their primary interest is most of the time. So, each and every one of us should wake this government up and tell them to get their acts together… 20 years on and still…

Some, will say, we are lacking a mutual agreement of separation with the Somali-wayn so-called government in order to be accepted. But, did Kosovo, Bosnia, Croatia, Slovenia, Macedonia have agreement with Serbia or with the former Yugoslavia before leaving the federation? NO! Nevertheless they got what they wanted with a big smile from their western friends. Speaking of political friends, I think we have to remind ourselves and our so called Arab-Muslim brothers that we have the same rights as Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Bahrain, and Turkey to have a diplomatic relation with Israel. It’s not a secret, they all have relations with Israel and that‘s fine. Why it’s OK for them to deal with Israel but NOT OK for us? Are we mentally and psychologically possessed, controlled and brainwashed by the fake and so called Arab-Muslim brothers? Are we that subservient to them? It smells like that, to certain extent. So we should start talking with the first nation who recognized Somaliland in 1960, Israel, to get out of the arab-muslim-somali-wayn entrapment. Did I hear that Israel approached us not longtime ago? I think so! Why didn’t our governments follow up that lead? Oh! By the way and for the record, the former Foreign affairs minister of Somaliland, Mr.Abdillahi Mohamed Duale (during Riyaleh government), is an adviser to the president of South-Sudan. One could say that we are lucky to have one of us at such key position but, again, we can’t get any attention from Mr. Salva KIRR (south-Sudanese president). Mmmmm…Are our politicians dragging their feet and delaying this elusive recognition purposely, for reasons we don’t understand? Perhaps!

Finally and concretely, we should hold accountable our government(s) (past and present) for this diplomatic failure and stagnation.

We should pressure our government to set up and fund a real international and effective LOBBY group.

Our government should engage and approach any state willing to assist us in our cause, starting with ISRAEL and with the newly independent nations in order to break this 20 years old vicious circle.

And of course, we the ordinary Somalilanders should not only get together on the 18th of May but also, come out massively to promote our self-determination rights in the streets and wherever we are in this world. If we don’t help ourselves, nobody is going to help us.

Long live Somaliland!

Source: Hassan H. Ottawa, Canada

Jibriil Yoonis oo u matalaayo Caaqil Maxamed Cali Muuse (Dicin) oo dagan magaalada Ottawa ayaa ka soo jawaabay kuna saxeexay magaca  A/Karim Farah oo ah magaca qalinkiisa (pen name) ee u ku shaqeeyo. Jawaabtiisiina waxay noqotay iney Axmed ku taageersan yihiin cayda iyo aflagaadada ooy tahay aargoosi ay kaga aargoosanayaan Habar Cafaan iyo Maxad Case, maadaama ay fashiliyeen arrintii Ugaasdoonka eey awooda ku raadinayeen. Jawaabtii Caaqil Dicin bixiyeyna , si aad u akhrido halkan guji.http://harowo.com/2011/12/28/talo-ku-socota-beelaha-habar-cafaanmaxaad-case-iyo-dhaliil/.

Caaqil Dicin iyo xulufadiisa, barrigii hore waxay  igu sheegi jireen inaan ahay dhagaweyne oon daganahay Kanada, maantana  nin kale oo ay yidhaahdeen C/Waaxad ayuu hadana ku booday. Maalinta dambena cid kale ayuu igu tilmaami. Aakhirkana wuxuna malaha odhani Caaqil Dicin ayaa ah Y Warsame.

Maxamed Cali (Dicin) waa la yaqaanaa taariikhdiisa iyo xiqdiga iyo xaasidnimada ku jirtaa, ilaa waqtiyadii uu daganaa Sucuudiga ee u isku dirka tolka ka shaqeyn jiray. Allaha u naxariistee Baabu-naaskii soo koriyeyna horey  ayuu ugu khasaaray. Maanta wuxu fadeexad iyo ceeb u soo jiiday Jibriil Yoonis.. INAA LILAAH!

Gabagabadii, murtidii waxay noqoday Harowo.com waxa qora cuqaasha Jibriil Yoonis ee sidaa ha loola socdo.  Habar Cafaan iyo Maxad Casena waxay yeelayaan iyaka ayey u taalaa.

Qore: Yuusuf Warsame

·   So why write a book on Somaliland?  – a lightly populated region on the edge of Africa, an unrecognised state, which, if the international community had its way, would be incorporated into a federal Somali state. 
· It is partly because, as Richard Dowden said, there is a “good news story” in Somaliland. The book documents how, from the rubbles of war, a self-governing territory has been created in the Horn of Africa. That is worth acknowledging in its own right.  And it is a story against many odds:  I remember being told by a former Deputy Speaker of the Somaliland parliament the story of when parliament wanted to impeach the late president Egal in 2001. The Deputy Speaker insisted that it was done properly, but they had no knowledge how to do it.  So they downloaded the impeachment proceedings against President Clinton. The ingenuity and creativity and commitment to doing things right struck a chord with me, which I thought was worth recording.  
 
·         The second reason is because Somaliland offers some insights into current policy concerns about failed and collapsed states and international efforts at state-building.  As well as issues of migration, remittances, transnationalism – indeed Somaliland has become something of a research laboratory.  
 
·         I first worked in Somaliland, in Erigavo 1992, having first gone to work in Somalia in 1988, a few months after the Somali National Movement (SNM) that was fighting an insurgency against the regime of Siyad Barre, briefly captured the city. In response the city was bombed by the Somali airforce. When I arrived in Erigavo in 1992, the place they were now calling “the Republic of Somaliland” was less than a year old, the people of northwest Somalia having declared independence in May 1991.  In 1992, after a 10 year insurgency and civil war, most of the population was still displaced, the infrastructure was in tatters, 70% of houses in Hargeisa alone had been destroyed in the war, there was hardly any basic services up and running, security was poor with regular road blocks and it was not uncommon for people to get held up and relieved of bags and vehicle.
 
·         By the time I began writing this book, around the time of Somaliland’s elections in 2002, people in Somaliland had successfully managed a process of reconciliation and created a constitutionally-based government, overseen demobilisation and held three democratic elections.  Much of the urban infrastructure, municipal services, and systems of education and health that were destroyed during the war had been restored.  Civic organisations have flourished providing welfare services and pressing for political rights. Somaliland had ceased being a refugee producing country and had become a destination for Somalis fleeing other parts of Somalia.  
 
·         Today in the capital Hargeysa shops are stacked with luxury items, the latest electronic gadgets. Without assistance from international financial institutions people in Somaliland have built telecommunications and airline companies, universities, hospitals and money transfer businesses.  Somaliland today has many of the attributes of a sovereign state, with its constitution, its political parties, a publicly elected government, that provides security, that exercises some control over its borders, that manages some public assets, levies taxes, issues currency, driving licences, and formulates development policies. It has also adopted the symbols of a state with a flag, national anthem, and national holidays. 
 
·         This has not been achieved over night, but over years. It is not the product of one peace conference, but many.  It has not been an easy journey. Somaliland had its own civil war in 1994-1996. There is corruption in government, an ineffective bureaucracy, and it has failed to uphold its commitments to human rights. Parts of its territory are still contested and not all the people living within that territory are supportive of Somaliland.   It is currently in a very fragile state, with tense relations with neighbouring Puntland to the east, and with elections postponed for a second time, a creeping fear that the political consensus is unravelling.  But it seemed to me, when I embarked on the book, that people in what Professor Iqbal once called, “Africa’s best kept secret”, deserved some recognition for what they have achieved. 
 
·         It also seemed that, at a time when the international community was engaged in trying to reconstitute the state of Somalia through sponsoring more rounds of peace talks – in 2000 in Djibouti and in 2002 in Kenya –  there was much that could be gleaned from the experience of people in Somaliland. How had people recovered from war and avoided the seemingly endless war in south and central Somalia?  How had people in Somaliland managed to reconcile, re-establish security, revive the economy, reconstruct services, and held three democratic elections, with very little international assistance, while the billions of pounds of international money spent in Somalia had failed to restore security or any semblance of functional government?  Did the experience of Somaliland have anything to say about international efforts at state building?
 
·         Of course, in exploring these issues one realises that there are no simple answers or lessons. So the book avoids policy prescriptions.  One can identify, for example, many reasons why Somaliland did not disintegrate into the protracted conflict and famine experienced in Somalia. Some of those include: the sense of political community that existed in Somaliland as a consequence of its particular colonial history, the experience of northwest Somalia within the Somali republic, the experience of Isaaq people within the Somali state and during the war, the policies of the Somali National Movement, that defeated Somalia’s armies in the north.  One can point to the particular social and economic conditions in Somaliland in 1991 – the resource poor environment meant there was little to fight over – the nature of the humanitarian engagement in Somalia in the 1990s, the ambitions of Somaliland political and business classes their interests in a stable polity, and of course the capacity of indigenous social institutions.  All of these provide partial insights. But they are not necessarily conditions that can be replicated elsewhere. 
 
·         One of the features of Somaliland in the early 1990s, for example, was the series of inter-clan peace meetings that pulled Somaliland back from the brink of war and established a framework and charter for government.  These were very impressive meetings that took place over several months, involving mass public participation, and were almost entirely locally financed.  They dealt with issues of reconciliation, security, the return of properties, opening of grazing lands and trade routes, and governance.  These public meetings instilled a high degree of accountability and local ownership in Somaliland’s system of government.  The success of these meetings contrasted with the internationally financed and managed meetings that have abjectly failed to bring government to Somalia.
 
·         These were seminal events in Somaliland’s history, and pretty unique in Africa. Interestingly, Somali researchers have recorded over 90 local peace meetings in south and central Somalia since 1991.  But these have not produced the same outcomes as Somaliland.  So while recognising there may be lessons that can be transferred, the Somaliland experience needs to be understood in its own terms. 
·         Another element that the book explores is what kind of ‘state’ is this new Somaliland.  Somaliland is one of several polities that have emerged around the world that do not fit into the normal criteria of states. These ‘quasi states’ challenge the territorial integrity of recognised states, and an international system based on these sovereign states. Their diasporas are changing the nature of the relationships between states and citizens and the ways that livelihoods are generated. For many people living within these ‘non-states’ the local political arrangements provide better security than was previously provided by formal state structures. 
 
·         Like these, Somaliland challenges international efforts at state-building in Somalia, by questioning the nature of that state, and by demonstrating an alternative path to state building than that pursued by international diplomatic and aid programmes. 
 
·         The state of Somalia was in many ways an external construct, established through colonisation and sustained by foreign resources.  By the end of the 1980s this was a state that, as Virginia Luling describes, “was suspended above a society that would never have produced it and did not demand it”.  What collapsed was not a functional state, but a state whose government oppressed rather than protected its people. 
 
·         The limited international engagement with Somaliland after 1991 – when most attention was focussed on the South – means that people had the chance to break with the past, to reform the state, and craft a system of government suited to their own needs. 
 
·         The normal measures of what might constitute a ‘good state’ may not apply in Somaliland. There is no ideological framework for development. This is not a pro-poor welfare state.  The government’s responsibilities are mostly confined to providing security, rather than redistributing wealth or managing social services.  Despite having held democratic elections, Somaliland is not yet, by most measures, a democracy – in the Western sense.  Elections are obviously not the sole measure of a democracy. But as a leading politician, and to my mind one of the best Somaliland has had, argued, Somaliland should not be considered a democracy until it has successfully held three rounds of elections. 
 
·         Nevertheless, people in Somaliland have demonstrated, in their own way and on the own terms, an alternative path to building a state and a system of government, that is consistent with their own culture.  With a political system that contains modern and traditional institutions – by incorporating clan elders into the Upper house of the legislature – the political system in Somaliland is more representative and less violent than in the past, and compares favourably with most countries in the region. By creating such a system, people in Somaliland have demonstrated that Somalis are no less capable of governing themselves than any other people.  
 
·         For those Somalis and others who remain opposed to Somaliland’s independence and criticise it as a regressive step that reinforces clan-based politics, it should offer encouragement that if it is possible in Somaliland, then it should be possible in other Somali regions.
 
·         Another important feature of Somaliland is that the most significant source of finance for the rebuilding of Somaliland has not come from foreign aid, but from Somalilanders living overseas. Livestock export was for a along time the mainstay of Somalia and Somaliland’s economy.  With the growth in the Somaliland diaspora, that is now secondary to the remittance economy. And the money that Somalis living over seas send to their families in Somaliland is far in excess of international aid.  In 2002 foreign aid to Somaliland was in the region of US $45 million, twice the government budget. Yet the remittances sent from overseas amounts to anywhere between 200 and 500 million dollars.  In many respects Somaliland is a transnational state, with many of its citizens living outside the country and its economy generated externally.  The remittance economy is critical in so many ways. Take housing, for example, a critical sector for well-being. Housing reconstruction and development has been almost entirely funded through the remittance economy.  Aid is a notoriously unstable form of finance, remittances are much more stable and infact more pro-poor than most aid projects.
 
·         Since 1991, however, the main prism through which the international community has engaged with Somaliland has mostly been aid. (Somaliland has no formal diplomatic or commercial relationships.)  Another insight from Somaliland’s experience is that the assumption that states can be built through aid projects is at best simplistic. State formation involves more than the demobilisation, rule of law, capacity building or infrastructural projects that are a standard part of the internationally financed post-war reconstruction and development programmes.  
 
·         The SNM did not announce Somaliland’s independence with a ‘blue print’, a ‘logical framework’ or a ‘reconstruction and development plan’. Nor was it built by building ‘civil society capacity’. States are not built with logical frameworks and aid projects, but are the outcome of a range of processes and practices, and are subject to internal and external forces that can affect the trajectory of their development which are beyond the control of aid programmes. In Somaliland, for example, you had, for various reasons an elite interested in orderly politics, in contrast to southern Somalia, where elite interests seem to want to perpetuate statelessness. The book tries to bring out some of these issues by looking beyond the prism of aid programmes. The international template for state-building in Somalia is not working and there is a need to look at alternative approaches.
·         Why the title – ‘Becoming Somaliland’ – which was criticised by one friend for being too “post-modern”.  In many respects, Somaliland is quite a post-modern country, one that participates in the global economy. That has its mobile phones, internet connections, and its transnational population, where a good number of MPs hold passports of other countries, where a significant part of its economy is generated from outside, and where, as I mentioned, the role of the state is largely confined to matters of security.  
But what I wanted to convey with the title was two things: 
 
·         The first is to convey a history.  In the circles of international aid there is a tendency to ignore history and historical perspective.  It is 17 years next month that people of Somaliland withdrew from the union with Somalia. Tony Blair was not even opposition leader then and George Bush Senior still had 2 years left in office.  17 years is almost twice as long as the period of democratic government that Somalia experienced in the 1960s, and a third of the period since Somaliland first gained independence from Britain. The decision to declare independence may, as some people still argue, have been made in the heat of the moment, but after 17 years one cannot ignore the investments that people have made in their country. If at some point Somaliland is persuaded to sit down with a government of Somalia, international diplomats cannot expect people in Somaliland to easily give up those 17 years.
 
·         The second was a sense of process and progress, and to move away from the idea of a state as something fixed and unchangeable.  The idea of Somaliland did not come from nowhere. Somaliland today is very different to the Somaliland of 1991.  In those 17 years the structure of government has changed from a one-party rule of the SNM, to a clan-based power-sharing government, to one with democratically elected district councils, executive president and parliament.  Somaliland in five years time will be different than it is today.  
 
·         State building is never a completed process – states are in a perpetual process of becoming. Somaliland, like any other state, is a ‘work in progress’.  It was this sense of dynamic that I wanted to convey.  The place people now call Somaliland will change. This is book is a contribution to recording its history thus far.
 
·         However we should not forget the catastrophic situation in south and central Somalia, where over a million people are now displaced – most in the last year – living in appalling conditions and with very little international attention and assistance; where 2.5 million people face severe food insecurity; and where in this last week upto 100 people have been killed in fighting in Mogadishu.  The warnings have been there for a while from Somalis, from aid agencies, from analysts, that the situation in Somalia could become as bad as it was in the early 1990s. This situation is largely a consequence of the policies of Western government, including of the British government, and one that they need to take responsibility for.
 
 
SOURCE: Mark Bradbury

Waxaanu marka hore canbaareyneynaa dadka leh ee maamulana wargeysyadani internetka. Wargeysyadani internetku waxay baryahani danbe ku caan baxeen kala daadinta danaha reer Awdal iyo Salal. Sumacad xumo ayaad u soo jiidaysaan dadka reer Awdal/Salal hadaad ku sii socotaan wadadani qaldan eed ku joogtaan. Dadka adeegsada warbaahinta internetka waa in aaney ku gafin jiritanka umaddani. Waa inay wax  iskula hadhaan marka ay baahinayaan warar aan sal iyo raad lahayn kuwaasi oo dadka wada dhashey dhex dhigaya iskhilaaf.

Hadii aad siyaasi ka soo hor jeedaan ood wax ka sheegeysaan, shaqsigaasi ku koobnaada. Ka daaya qabiilooyinka dhan eed wada aflagaadeyneysaan dhinac kastaba ha ka soo jeedaane. Sidoo kale hadii aad arin isku maandhaafsan tihiin si cilmiyeysan oo raganimo leh u dooda. Cayda iyo ceebta aad waliba gaadheysaan ilaa waalidiinta waayo hore geeriyoodey waa laga fiican yahay. Waxaad u caytameysaan sidii ganboyar aan wali caqliyeysan oon lahayn garaad qabta ee fadlan joojiya anshax xumadani.

Waxaanu aad uga xumahay in dadka shisheeyaha ah een ka dhalan Gobolladani ay aflagaadada dadkeena ka akhristaan wargeysyada internetka, una adeegsadaan iney anaga dib noogu caayaan oo ay na weydiiyaan su’aalo ay ka mid yihiin; Waa maxay sida foosha xun ee ay ragiinu isku caayayaan? Waa ayaan daro inaad idinku dhexdiina cadaawad aan meelna jirin isku qaadaan, ceebtiinana ku baahisaan shabakada internetka, taasi oo aad uga farxineysa dadka jiritaankiina iyo iskaashigiina neceb. Sidani hadii aad ku sii socotaan ,waxay idiin horseedi cadaawad iyo aargoosi dhexdiina ah oo aan marnaba loo baahneyn. Waxaa ingagu waajib ah dhamaanteen in danta guud ee dadkeena iyo dalkeena aynu u guntano inaga oo mid kaliya ah, hal ujeedana leh. Hadaba horumarka guud aynu ku dadaalno inta aan waqtiga ku khasaarineynu wax aan faa’iido inoo lahayn khasaare mooyee.

Geesiga samaroon meel kale ayaa looga baahan yahay hadalkiisa kulul iyo hanjabaadiisa, dhexdiina loogama baahna. Waxqabadkiisa iyo taladiisana dadkiisa iyo dalkiisa ayaa u baahan. Waxaa  idinla gudboon tamarta intani le’eg inaad u isticmaashaan wax wanaagsan oo horumar u leh naftiina iyo dadkiinaba. Ogaada ragii Samaroonow, murti caan ah ayaa tidhaa “Hadii war-faafinta loo adeegsado si qaldan waxay kala kaxeysaa qoom dhan, hadii si sax ah loo adeegsadana waxay isku keentaa umad aad u kala fogeyd”.  Waxaanu idinka codsaneynaa inaad noqotaan kuwo u adeega umadooda oo ku guubaabiya warfaafinta ay awooda u leeyihiin wax wanaagsan oo ka hadla daryeelka dadka degan gobolladdani. Bal dib iskugu noqda oo halka aad ku sugan tihiin labaatankan sano ee u danbeeyey dib u eega. Waxaad u baahan tihiin inaad xisaabtan taan ood is weydiisaan idinka oo wada dhan waar maxaa inaga lumey, maxaanse inoo kordhey labaatankani sano ee u danbeeyey een ku biirnay nidaamkan qabiillka ku dhisan ee dhulka ka jira?

Dhibaatooyinka nidaamkani uu u keenay Awdal iyo Salal wax ka midda isaga oo ilihii dhaqaalaha baabi’iyey. Awdal waxay  lahayd madaar diyaaraduhu ka soo degi jireen oo imika xidhan. Waxa kale oo deganaa hay’ado caalami ah oo dhaqale ku soo kordhin jirey gobolka. Waxaa dhacdey in dhamaanba  hay’adihii  Hargeysa loo rarey. Halbowlayaashii dhaqaale ee gobolku way wada xayiran  yihiin. Arrintani waxay keentay dakhligii soo galayey gobolka oo baa’ba, shaqo la’aan iyo in Hargaysa wax walba loogu tiirsanaado. Intaasi waxa u dheer in ilaha kale ee dhaqaaluhu ka yimaado sida cashuuraha Goboladeena hargeysa la geeyo iyada oo dhulkii laga soo gurayna aan waxba loogu qaban. Waxa inala gudboon in aynu inagu lahaano nidaam danteena ka shaqeeya iyo xeerer aynu ku kala soco oo meel inoo yaala inta aan is caayeyno ee la inagu wiirsanayo. Waxaa nasiib daro ah oo maanta nooga kiin dhex muuqata maahmaadii ahayd “ Ishiisa laga arkaa ushiisa lagu tumaa”. Markii la arkey tafaraaruqiina ayey u fududaatey reerka jaarkiinu inuu marna jidgooye u dhigto safarkiina oo laayaan marna ay hurdada idinku gaadaan. Nina idinkuma soo dhaceen hadii aad mideysan tihiin. Imika iyo haatan waa la idiin dhaamaa inaad iska caydaan internetka oo shisheeyuhu idinku maadeysto.

Waxa la idinka sugayaa inaad dadkiina wax u qabataan.  Looma baahna inaad waqti ku lumisaan computerka gadaashiisa ood cay isku weydaarsataan shabakadaha internetka, idinka oo gobolladiinii lagu xaddayo nidaam qabiil ku dhisan oo dushiina lagu sameystey.

By: Muna Cabdi, Ifrah Ahmed, Safia Ali iyo Hibo Ahmed

Safiya Ali safiyaali69@yahoo.com

Annigu markii aan daraasad badan sameeyey, waxa ii cadaatay oo markhaati ma doonta ah in ninka la yidhaado AXMED SHEEKH FAARAX yahay aabaha cayda iyo aflagaadada. Sidaa awgeed, taariikhdu markii ay aheyd Juulaay 28keedii 2011 ayaad maqaalad u qoray, taasoo la magac baxday Odhaahda Akristaha : Dhaliil iyo Waano Ku Socota Tifaftiraha Harowo.com. Mareegtada Harowo.com waxay maqaaladaa ku soo daabacday bogeeda, sida aad ka akhrisan kartid halkan  http://harowo.com/2011/07/28/odhaahda-akhristaha-cay-dhaliil-iyo-waano-ku-socota-tifaftiraha-harowo/.

Nasiib daro Eebe kuma anficin waanadii iyo talladii aan siiyey Axmed . Wuxuba bilaabay inuu malinba maalinta ka dambeysa sii kordhiyo cayda iyo aflagadaadii ilaa ay gaadhay in dabka u shidaayey gaadho dad badan oon waxba galabsan. Waxanad hadda mooddaa in ay socota maah  maahdii aheyd, “Dab munaafaq shiday ayuu miskiin ku gubtaa”. Waxa hada cad in Axmed Sheekh Faarax caqligii ka suulay, ooysan ku hadhin caqli u isku qabto. Wuxu joogaa heer uusan kala garankarin qaladka iyo saxa, sabata oo ah waxan u qoraayo ayuuba u haystaa inuu u adeegaayo bulshada reer Awdale.

Mar aan Axmed kula xidhiidhay emeylna, wuxu ii sheegay in Gadabuursiga maqaaladaha u soo diraayi dhamaan magacooga qaraiyaan, oo maadaama ay sidaa ku cabiraan fikirkooda isna ku soo dhajiyo mareegtadiisa! Waa yaabe miyuuna isagu aheyn ka akhriya ee kala shaandheeya maqaaladaha loo soo qoro? Miyuusan wixii aflagaado iyo cay ah qashinka ku dari karin? Waa su’aale, caqliga sidaa u shaqeynayaa miyuu caafimaad qaabaa? Waa jawaab u taal jufadiisa Jibriil Yoonis!

Waxaa jirta in mareega kale ay qayb ka qaataan aflagaadooyinka. Hase yeeshee, waxa la ii sheegay iney mareegtooyinka kale dadka maamulaayi ogolaadeen iney cayda joojiyaan haddii Axmed Sheekh Faarax joojiyo, sidaasina waxay ku iclaamiyeen mareegtooyinkooda ay ka mid yihiin Bakipress iyo Mysomaliland.com. Waxase la xaqiijiyey in Axmed Sheekh Faarax diiday inuu cayda iyo aflagaadada joojiyo. Taasi oo markhaati cad u ah in u Axmed noqday ninka dabka sidaya ee diidan inuu joojiyo qori xuladaka ah ee u la wareegaayo.

Soomaalidu waxay tidhaahdaa, “ Ninka waalan, walaalkii ayaa u miyir qaba”. Maanta jufada Axmed Sheekh Faarax oo ah Jibriil Yoonis waxa looga fadhiya in ay miyir qabkii la timaado ooy qabato ninka ni aflagaadada iyo cayda Gadabuursiga ku talax tagay, kana dhigtay meherada.

Sida muuqata Maxad Case wuu fasaxay dhalinyartoodii mareegaha maamulaayey. Taasina waa ta keentay iney iyaguna la kala baxaan ooy afka farta iska galiyaan. Habar Cafaana tallo ayey ku maqan tahay. Waxaana dhicikarta iney mareegtooyin cusub furtaan si ayu difaacaan xuquuqdooda iskagana celiyaan aflagaadada xad dhaafka ah ee loo geysanayo.

Gabagabadii, maanta kobbadu waxay hortaala dhinaca jufada Axmed Sheekh Faarax oo ah beesha Jibriil Yoonis iney iyana taageeraan fikirka wareersan ee Axmed iyo iney qabtaan ooy u caqli celiyaan sidii looga bartay odayadii waxgaradka Soomaaliyeed. Ogaada aamuskuna waa taageero Axmed loo fidiyey.

Qore: Yuusuf warsame

Cumar wuxu ahaa wiilkii curad, waxa isagoo aad u yar kaxaystay oday kale oo deganaa meel ka durugsan halka (reerka) uu aabihii la joogo. Odayga xaaji cumar kaxaystay waxa la odhan jiray Saxar-diid. Xaajigu si fiican buu u garanayaa oo Saxardiid isagoo waayeel ah mar dhakhtarka Borama la keenay Cumar oo isgoolka dhigta ayaa cuntada dhakhtarka ugu gayn jiray.

Marka aan dib u raacay taariikh nololeedka Cumar cadbi lugweyne iyo qoyskooda waxan xasuustay buug aan akhriyay oo ka sheekaynayay cahdigii adoonsiga maraykanka madow. Markii aan is barbardhig ku sameeyay waxbadan bay iska shabaheen. Buuga waxa ku jiray cutub ka hadlayay Nin reer ciidan ula joogay (adoonsi) iyo gabadh iyadna reerka laftiisa ciidan ula joogtay, oo la isku dhisay, ilmihii u horeeyay ee ay dhaleena markii uu dhawr sano jiro reer kale qaatay.

Ma odhan karnaa somalida lafteedu way is gumaysan jirtay, Haa. Somalidu siday ukala xoogweyntahay ayay u noolayd, ilaa imika waadiga arkaya in dad Somali ah la takooro.

Cumar Cabdi lugweyne dhawr sano ayuu qoyskii kaxaystay adhiga iyo u raacay, arad beelkiisa iyo cuntadiisa marka laga reebo sanadkii waxa la siin jiray Toban riyaad oo adhi ah maadaama uu nin yar ahaa inta badana wuxu raaci jiray adhiga, laakin wiilasha kale ee geela raaca sanadkii waxa la siin jiray qaalin geel ah.  Alle ha u naxariistee aabihii wuxu ahaa nin aan dhib badan lahayn, Kaahiye-na si fiican buu ula dhaqmi jiray.

Kaahiye wuxu lahaa xoolo badan oo geel iyo adhi u badan, wuxu go’aansaday inuu bilaabo ka ganacsiga sigaarka (gunti gaab). Kadib wuxu Jabuuti u iibgeeyay xoolo badan, Cabdi lugweynana wuu kexeeyay. Safarka waxa ku weheliya rag badan oo ay hawsha koontarabaanka wada bilaabayeen. Kaahiye wuxu ahaa nin wayn, wuxu hawshii koontarabaanka u xilsaaray Cabdi lugweyne oo ciidan u ahaa.

Sidiibuu Cabdilugweyne hawshii ku bilaabay, Kaahiye wuxu Geelii iyo hawshii reerka u qabtay ninkale oo ciidan ah, alle ha u naxariistee wuu dhintay ninkii Cabdi lugweyne bedelay. Waxa ku dumay ceel ku yaal meel galbeed kaga began magaalada Gogti oo  la yidhaadho Laascaanood.

Kootarabaankii lacag fiican baa laga helay. Kaahiye wuu geeriyooday. Maamulkii waxa la wareegay wiilkii ugu weynaa reerkiisa oo isagu markaa kaalin gal noqday. Mudo yar kadib geeridii Kaahiye waxa wakhti habeen ah oo uu safar ku jiray Cabdi Cige Lugta ka qaniinay Mas, nuuca la yiraahdo Bay-da. Sida qaalibka ah qofka baydu qaniinto hadii uu geeri ka badbaado suntaasi waxay kaga tegtaa Eelo (naafo, dhawaac kugu maqan).

Ilaahay mahadii Cabdi geeri wuu ka badbaaday, laakin lugtii waxa fuulay barar aan noloshiisa ka ba’ayn. Sida naanaysta Lugweyne ugu baxday waa sidaa. Halkaasuu Xaaji Cumar aabihii shaqadii kaga fadhiistay.

Kootarabaagii waxa guntiga u qabsaaday wiilkii ilma Kaahiye ugu waynaa. Cabdilugweyne markii uu ladnaaday waxa la siiyay mushqaayadiisii, wiilkii roonaana (Xaaji Cumar) waa loo soo celiyay si uu u caawiyo, adhi fiican oo fujadii reerka uu ka helayna waxa loo keenay Cadbilugweyne.

Cabdi lugweyne lacagtii mushqaayada loo siiyay wuxu u dhiibtay Ina Kaahiye, si loogu soo iibiyo alaab uu macdaar ku furto. Cabdi wuxu noqday ninkii shanaad ee Gogti tukaan ku yeesha.

La soco qaybaha dambe oo aan kaga warami doono wakhtigii Xaaji Cumar aabihii Gogti kasoo guuray iyo sababihii uu uga soo guuray. Waxan focus-ka saari doonnaa taariikh nololeedkii Xaaji Cumar intii uu Sucuudiga joogay iyo intuu Kanada joogay.

Runtii aadbaad ula yaabi doontaan dhaqamada ninka duqa ahi ku kacay intii uu Sucuudiga joogay. Waxa kale oon ka sheekayn doonaa wax la yidhaahdo SAAR oo gurigooda laga tumi jiray iyo sidii loogu soo koriyay lacagtii saarka kasoo xeeroon jirtay. Waa sheeko xiiso badan ee la soco……………!

A/karem Farah – Maxamed Sh. Xassan Nuuriye, Maxamed Cali Muuse Dicin, Dahir Waberi Daahir

Email: hirsi2@live.com

Mahammed Abdirahman Sharif

guallab@gmail.com

Aan ku bilaabee anigoo ah Harawe Sh. Cumar Good ahnaaqoon yahay ka soo jeeda Gobolka Awdal ayaan jeclaystay inaan maanta halkanlaba waxyaabood ku bayaamiyo oo kala ah sababta aan u doortay Awdal State iyosababta  igu kalifay inaan qoro maqaalaan ka soo qoray “Coomaadi Cumar Cabdi Lugweyne” kaasoo aan ku daabacayshabakada aan ku dagaalamo ee Harowo.com anigoo magacyo badan marba mid jeebkakala soo baxa.

Aan ku bilaabee waxaa igu kalifay Awdal state waxa weeyirun ahaantii markii hore Somaliland waxay ahayd mid loo dhamaa oo anigoo ka soojeeda Beesha Reer Nuur (Maxamuud Nuur) ee ilaahay ugu dawgalay Jibriil Abokorka (Reer Xareed)  awoodna u waayayay isaga celiyaan, ayaa anigu waxaan aaminsanaa in Mar hadii uu MadaxweyneRiyale iyo Huda barkhad meesha ka bexeen aan waxba loola hadhi doonin ReerMaxamuud Nurka.

Markaas anigu waxaan qabay  mar hadii SNM tii meesha loo baneeyay maantaayuu Nuux Taani firaaqo u helayaa inuu qalqalo sida imika dhacday reerka aan ka soo jeedo, taasoo igu dhalisayinaan aamini waayo siyaasadii Somaliland iyo waliba ninkii Makaahiilka ahaa ooMaxad case  meesha ka tuuray.

Mida labaad waxaan horta ka raaligalinayaa Mudane Cumar Cabdi Lugweyne oo marna aan ku Tilmaamay “Coomaadi” marna Laangaab (labadaas Maqaal oo ku dhegan Harowo.com)  waan karaali galinayaa waayo nin mawqifkiisa cadaystay maaha in la xagxagto oo walibabulshada awdal ku dhexle sharaf iyo maamuus.Halkan ka akhri labada maqaal

http://harowo.com/2011/12/14/laan-gaabkii-gadadbuursiga-oo-ottawa-ugu-dabaal-degaya-sanad-guuradii-kasoo-wareegtay-madax-banaanidooda/

Waxaase mudnaa run ahaantii in wax laga qoro ama lacambaareeyo Maxamed Sh. Xasan Nuriye oo maalina dhawayd qol madow ku soo xidhayodayaal Makaahiila oo wax ala wax uu ka hadlayo aan fahmi waynay isla markaanaay diideen isaga iyo intii la fadhiday inay Cambaareeyo Nijaasta Awdal State, sida Munaafaqa Weyn ee Dahir Wabari,  taasoo igu noqotay fajac iyo amakaag.

Anagu cidna u joojin mayno Awdal State ilaa la nasiinayo wasiiro kale iyo Agaasimayaal, kuwa Magaalada Ottawa ku dhigayaCambaaraynta Awdal state iyo difaacida qaranimada Somaliland waxaan leeyahay kadaaya oo nagu soo biira.

Wa Bilahi Tawfiiq

Harawe Sh. Cumar Good

Waa tiir muhiim ah oo loo baahan yahay inay dhaliisha iyo la-xisaabtanka xukuuumad iyo mucaardiba xoojiyaan si hagar la’aan ah oo dhexdhexaad ahna ay ummadda u tusaan qaladka iyo gef waxay u arkaan, si ummadeenu ay u hesho inay qiimeyso siyaasadda ooy raacaan halkay danta u arkaan. Dhaliisha runta aha ee xukuumaddu waa toosin. Kolkay tahay been abuur iyo cayna, waa mid milgaha marbaahinta wax yeelaysa.Been-abuur iyo war aan la hubsan oo beenoobaa wey kala duwan yihiin. Kan xumi waa been abuur loo kasay.

Haddaba taas mecnaheedu ma aha inay xor u yihiin baahinta fidnada, iyo hurinta colaad sokeeye. Taasi waa xaraan, waayo waxwalba waxa ka horeeya nabadda, iyo jiritaanka qarannimo ee dalka hooyo. Ma aha arrin lagu gaban karo xoriyadda warbaahinta in meel dab ka baxaayo baansiin lagu shubaa wey reebantay. Waxa warbaahinta la gudboon dab-damis iyo gurmad nabadeed. Ma aha inay horseedo colaad iyo naxli sonkoreysan.

Sida cinwanka ku cadwaxaan soo qaatay odhaahdii Rasuulkeena SCWS uu inoogu muujiyey in nacdasha ooah cadhada Alle ay ku soo degto qofka ummadda fidino ka dhex  abuura. Waxaaynu ognahay oo kale xadiiska odhanaaya..qofka gardaro ruux muslim ah qudha kajaraa waxuu la mid yahay ruux aadmigoo dhan dilay. Sidoo kale ayuu Rasuulkeenu SCWS inooga digay dilka dhex mara muslimka, isagoo inoo sheegay in dagaalka Muslimkadhexmaraa kan dhintay iyo kan wax dilayba ay yihiin ehlu naar.

Waxa si fudud loofidinayaa ereyo turxaan iyo naxli leh oo qofka yidhi laga yeebo inay ka keentaycadho. Waxa xumaanta ugu weyn wadaa ee fidnada hurinayaa ma aha ciddii sidaaxmaqnimada ah ehelkooda loo dilay oo iyagu aan xaqooda ka tanaasulin bal seka sugaaya garsoorka iyo xukuumadda, waa dad u badan dhinaca warbaahinta oo leh TV,Idaacad, Internet , Jaraa’id, iyo websiteyo. Waxaad moodaa inay ku naaxaannaxliga iyo xumaanta.Eeddo dabcan waa intooda arrintan ku kacda ee ma aha mid aan dhammaan u xanbaarinaayo.

Waan garan karaa indadka qaar si cadho leh oo caadifad leh ay arrinkan uga hadlaan, waa dabeeci.Waxay se masiibo tahay cidda sii kordhinaysa ee sida xamaasadda ah u fidinaysa.Waxaad arkaysa sida loo baahiyey hadaladii cadhada ka dhashay eeoday-dhaqameedyada qaar ka yimid. Kolka kuwa sida degan uga hadlay ee islareerka ah aad ku arkayso meel meel qudha. Bal soo badha oo labadaas hadal isuqiyaas sida loo kala fidiyey.

Haddaba inagoo dhammaanisku raacsan in arrintan foosha xun aynu isku si u aragno, oo aynu ku ciil baxnogarsoorka oo la hor keeno cid kasta oo falkan lagu xidhgiidhiyo, waxa inalagudboon inta baadhisto socoto inaynu samir iyo nabaddoonnimo aynu waxwalba kudhowrno. Yeynaan u jabin kuwa xumaanta sameeyey ee hadafkoodu yahaykhalkhal-gelinta nabadda aynu ku caano maalnay.

Ma nihin malaa’ig,xaakim iyo maxkuumba waxaynu nahay aadmi, qalad iyo gefna waa ina daan weyne. Waxaaarintu tahay gefka iyo qaladka sida loo saxo iyo in cadaaladdu shaqayso,muwaaadinkuna helo garsoor uu ku kalsoon yahay oo xaqiisa cidda u gefta loogasoo jaro. Ma aha in cidina sharciga ka weyntay, iyo in cidina sharcigagacanteeda ku qaadato.

Waxaynu ku noolnahaymandaqad dagaal daashaday, xoog iyo muruq baabiiyey. Waxaynu taas kagabadbaadnay waa nabadda aynu shacbi iyo xukuumadba wada ilaalinay. Waadhacdooyinka nabad-diidku kolba ay bar nabad ah ka fuliyaan sida aynu dhammaan ugahawl galno. Waa samirka iyo kalsoonida dhibanayaashu ku qabaan nidaamkadawladnimo ee dalkeena. Waa habka wadajir ee aynu gurmadka dab-damiska ugu diroinagoo gacmaha is haysana.

Dariiqaas aynu guusha kugaadhany yaan laga leexan. Warbaahintu ha ogaato in falalka ka dhashay xumaantaay fidinayaan in haddaan ifka looga jarin, ay aakhiro xisaabteeda la weydiindoono. Ha ogaadaan ereyga qof cadhaysan ka soo baxay ee ay buunbuuniyaan ee aymeel walba gaadhsiiyaan in dambigeeda ayna cidi la wadaageen . Alle ha lagacabsado oo wanaaga iyo samotaliska ha la fidiyo. Ha laga dheeraado xumaansheega iyo inta ka ganacsata dilka iyo dhiiga aadmiga.

Yaan reeraha dhibaatadugaadhay la sii shidin oon loo horseedin inay dhib kale ay iyana cid aan dambilahayn u geestaan. Taais ma aha aargoosi. Waxa aargoosi ah iyada oo la helocidda dambiga geesatay oo gacan bir ah lagu qabto,lana mariyo xumaanta aygeysteen dheefteeda. Inta la kicinaayo, waxa xaqooda ay ku heliyaan in ladejiyo, oo ay if iyo aakhirba ay ku helayaan wanaag iyo abaal marin. Sidookale ayey ku aargooysan doonaan cadaaladda ooy ku ciil bixi markay arkaanciddii ehelkooda sida foosha xun u dishay oo inta la ugaadhsaday sharciga lalatiigsaday.

Waxa haddaba inalagudboon inaynu dhammaan u kacno ugaadhsiga dambiilayaasha si gaar ahna waawaajib u saaran cidda ay ka soo jeedaan.Ma se aha mid yaraynaysa waajibka guudee bulshada saaran iyo xilka u gaarka ah xukuumadda iyo laamaheeda amniga. Aanku celiyo xilka warbaahinta, culumada iyo oday-dhaqanka, saaran ee ah wanaag-farka, xumaan-reebka, nabad-doonka, samir-qaadashada, la-shaqaynta baadi-doonkamujrimiinta, iyo taakulinta maadi iyo ruuxba, inta dhibtu soo gaadhay.

Waxa la sheegayaa inlabada dhinacba ay jiraan dad ka soo qaxay oo cabsiyi ka soo rartayguryahoodii. Waxa habboon in dadkaas loo gurmado oo loo fidiyo taakulin iyotaageero maal, mood iyo ammaan ah. Maamulada labada gobal ee Awdal iyo Gabileysi gaar ah ayey arrintan xil uga saaran yahay. Waa inay wada shaqeeyaan ooysubax iyo galabba ay kala war qaataan, ooy wadajir gurmad nabadeed iyo taakulinkaleba ay u geestaan kolba meesha looga baaho.

Aan mar akle idiin sooqaato Abwaan Gaariye iyo xikmadiisa ma-guuraanka ah. Waa tilmaan cad oosifeynaysa aayo-xumada dhacdooyinka dagaal ee la dhex-dhigo dadka wada dhashayee abid aan kala maarmin, kala fogaan, kala tegi karin. Waxuu idhi abwaanku:

mar labaad ubadkeena           sidii Ey la guhaadshay

in ilkaha lagu qaado           -Unugtii shaleytoole

isku meesha u jeeday           iminka yaa iska hor jeedshay

-Laba oorya walaaliyo          ilmaadeer is maquunsha

lama sheegin aduunkee          -marka aan ugu liito

mar aan eeda sokeeyiyo         ilmahayga ku waayo

-mar aan aayo la’aanta         seedigay ugu aaro oo

walaashay asay qaado           -mar haday aqalkayga

haddii layga adkaadiyo         hadaan raystey idhaahdaba

-mar lay oohin u tahay         bal maxaan istafiiday

-Afartii garjahoodba           hadaan soo wada ooday

xageen geela irmaaniyo         markey beeshu haraado

u aroorinayaa

Fadlan fariintawanaagsan aynu fidino, nabadda aynu taageerno, cadaaladda aynu ku kala baxno,cadowga aynu meel uga soo wada jeedno. Dalka cidina gaar uma laha, waa dalkeenii waa mid aynu dhammaan leenahay, cidna laga xigin, cidna ayna marti ku ahayn.Inta yar ee kas gaabka ah ee ina kala qaybinaysa yeynaa raacin. Soomalilandwaxa leh reer Soomaliland oo dhan, si siman , si isku mid ah ayuu waajibkaqaran inoo saaran yahay, si siman oo isku mid ah ayeynu xuquuqna u leenahay.

Wadajir iyo walaalnimo.

Axmed Xasan Carwo

La-taliyaha Madaxweynaha

Dhaqaalaha, Ganacsigaiyo Maalgashiga

samotalis@gmail.com

Pls Join me at myFacebook Page

Likegaree pagekan fadlan

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Nabarkan sida gaarka loola kacay reero nabad iyo naruur ku seexdaydamqashadeedu waa mid kulmisay dhammaan shacbi weynaha Somaliland gobal kastaha joogaane. Waxa sidoo kale naxdinta la wadaaga qurbajooga Soomaliland oowerwer ku habsaday,wardoon iyo foon ku jiray 24 saacadood ee ina dhaafay. Duco,murugo, canbaareyn iyo dhaleecayn ayaa muwaadin kasta isla mar ku kulmay.

Cidda falkan geeysaytay waa cadow ku soo duulayqaranimadeena, nabadeena, wada-jirkeena, horumarkeena, aayaheena iyo mustaqbalkeena. Waa mid ujeedo keli ah leh, in la khalkhaliyo nabadeena lanawiiqo jiritaanka dawladnimadeena. Waxay tahay mid lid ku ah horukacadiblomaasiyeed ee xukuumaddu soo hoysay iyo geedi-socodka dimuquraadiyadeenaadduunku aad u qiimeeyey, iyo wadjirkeena aynu intaasba ku gaadhnay. Waxay sitoos ah u dooxday nabaddii muddada dheer laga hawlgalay ee laga gaadhaymashaqadii Ceelbardaale, oo la sugaayey in dhammeystirkeeda dhowaan la soogaadho. Waxay damaqday nabar bogsiis ah ooy ku noqotay caabuq u baahan dhaymoiyo daaweyn degdeg ah. Waxay jiifisay ididiiladii walaalaha galbeed ay sidaxamaasadda leh  isu taageen wadajirkoodaiyo horumarkooda oo gun u tahay ilaalinta danta guud, isu-socodka ganacsi iyobulsho, iskaashiga mashaariic horumarineed iyo qaar dhaqanba.

Dad wada dhashy, inaabti, habarwadaag, abtiyaal, seedi iyosodog, ayeeyo iyo awoow, wiil iyo abtigii, gabadh iyo sodegeed, sodoh iyowiilkeed, marwo iyo seygeed ayaa colaad nacasnimo la dhexdhigay. Waxa taagan gabaygii Gaariye ee dhacdadiisuahayd:

-Ahey way iyo ciil

umalkayga hiqdeyda

calool oyga nafteyda

ilmada iga da’aysiyo

imtixaanka i haysta

-Anigaa is maqli waayey

orod bay wax i leeyihiin

ololna wuu fahmayaa

ayaamo is gurayaana

way igu fool adag yihiin

-Ahey way iyo ciil

Aaminaay magacey ba’

Asaagay igu wiirsay

inanteydu gumowday

ka irdhoobay shisheeye

ku eedoobay sokeeye

ehelkay ka qalooday

cidna aamini waayey
-Cidna eersan maayooinkaar baa igu biirtayoo
anigaa isu geystay -Dharaartii Alle keenanaayni ii kordha mooyeecaqli iima siyaado
-mana waayo arkaayowax kastood akhridaanwaxaan ahay Alle dooriseed dhanina aanay ku oolin
Haddaba hadday ujeedooyinkaas iyo raadxumadaas uu falkanileeyahay, maxaa inala gudboon:

1.      Indhammaan laga hawlgalo soo qabashada cidda dilkan nacasnimo geesatay. Waxawaajib gaar ihi saran yahay cidda ay ka soo jeedaan oo ay tahay inaynaqarin  ee ay gacanta u soo galiyaanxukuumadda. Waxa waajibka kowaad saran yahay xukuumadda si gaar ah laamaheedanabad ilalinta iyo nabad sugidda. Waa inayna Waxaba la hadhin sidii aygarsoorka u keeni lahaayeen dambiilayaasha.Taas waa lagu dhaqaaqay oo amarMadaxweyne ayaa lagu fuliyey ee waa inay si dhakhso ah u midho-dhalisaa.

2.      Waxaiyana waajib ah inaynu dhammaan isu taagno oo aynu muujino naxdinta iyodamqashada aynu la qaybsano eheliyadda ay sida gaarka ah dhibtani u gaadhay.Waana inaynu ka dalbanaa samir iyo is-dejin iyo dulqaad siyaade ah.

3.      Madaxdhaqameed,siyaasiyiin, aqoonyahan, dhalin iyo waayeel rag iyo dumar gaar ahaan labadadhinac  waa inay u guntadaan sidiixukuumadda loogu taageeri lahaa soo qabashada dambiilayaasha iyo sugiddanabadgelyada. Waa in loo baxaa oo la abaabulaa baaqyo nabadeed, shirar nabadeediyo gogal nabadeed.

4.      Culumadaiyo warbaahinta waxa la gudboon wacdiga iyo wacyogelinta iyadoo la baahinayoqiimaha nabadda, wadajirka iyo ilaalinta sharciga.Warbaahinta ooy ku jiraanwebsiteyadu xilbaa ka saran wanaaga bulshada iyo nabadda guud. Ha ka fogaadaanfaalooyinka naxliga iyo xumaanta wata, ha badiyaan waanada iyo ereyada nabaddaiyo wadajirka aloosaaya. Ha yeeeshaan hubsiimo dheeraad ah xiligan xamaasaddutaagantay.

5.      Waain isu-soo-bax nabadeed laga abaabulaa gobalada galbeedka.

Haddabahadafka cadowga oo u muuqda mid guuldaraystay kolka aad eegto sida loogu gurmadayin fidmadani sii fidin, ayaa aynu u rogi karnaa guul iyo xoojin nabadeed kolkaaynu isla garano in cadwogani ahaa mid duulaan ku ah qarannimadeena iyowadajirkeena. Taas waxa sal u ah qabashada dambiilayaasha iyo fahamka ehelkadulmiga weyn loo geystay ooynu la wadaagno dhibta iyo murugada, inkasta ooynaansoo celin karayn nafleydii ay waayeen. Waa in la soo afjaraa sababta nabarkan ayu adeegsadaan maanlaawayaashu.

Maantaoo kale waxa taliya maanka iyo qalbiga fayow. Waxa habboon in afka laga xidho oodhegaha laga xidho inta cududa iyo caadifadda ku talisa. Waa inaan dhiig dambeoo muwaadin si doqoniimo ah amba aarsi ah loo shubin. Agow aarsi waa silsiladdhiigba dhiig ku biro oon lahayn daba la qabto. Cadaaladdu waa tan keliya eedulmiga suulisa ma aha aargoysi maato lagu gumaado. Cadaalad aan eex lahayn,aan dabac lahayn oo xaqsoor ah ayaa arrintan soo afjari karta. Taas waxa lagugaadhayaa samir iyo inagoo dhammaan isu taagna inaynu xaqqa taageerno, ooynanabadda wada ilaalino, ciidanka amaanka iyo hay’adaha nabadda waa waajib inlala shaqeeyaa.

Gunnaanad.Imtixaan ayeynu maraynaa guushiisana lagu gaadhi karo wadajir iyo midnimo. Horeayeynu tan oo kale u soo marnay weynu ka guulaysanay, dariiqii aynu u marno ooinagoo gacmaha is haysana aynu tusno cadowga in Soomaliland tahay jidh qofkeliya oo nabarka gaadha ku bogsiiya carabkiisa oo liifa. Waxa se habboon indhacdadan oo kale laga afeef dhigto oo laga yeesho agab ka ilaaliya soonoqoshadeeda. Waa cadaalad laga gaadho gunteeda oo si geesinimo ah oo xaq ahloo gaadhsiiyo garsoor dhab ah.

Aan idinku dhaafo tacsi kal iyo lab ah,tacsi qaran, tacsi ehel, tacsi xigto iyo xigaal. Aan u duceeyo muwaadiniintagacan gardaro lagu dilay in Alle ugu abaal gudo janatul fardows, ehelkoodanawaafajiyo samir iyo duco. Allow cawad kheyr badan ka sii samirkooda, kana yeelkuwo u horseeda bulshada samir ay ku dhowraan nabadda bal se ay ku doonaan xaqqoodacadaalad iyo garsoor.

Soomaaliland nabadeedu waa wadajirkabulshadeeda. Waa danta guud oo la ilaaliyo, waa cadaaladda oo la garab galo.Waa waajib qaran, waa waajib bulsho, waa waajib fardi.

Allow xaqqa na waafaji. Amiin.

Axmed Xasan Carwo

La-taliyaha Madaxweynaha ee

Dhaqaalaha, Ganacsiga iyo Maalgashiga

samotalis@gmail.com

http://www.facebook.com/pages/Ahmed-Arwo/246544372035127#!/pages/Ahmed-Arwo/246544372035127

Your writings purely fictional,  delusional and rumbling pure lies. Your story do not stands on any legs. We have been closely watching for a while. From now on none of your nonsensical articles will be let go with  a rebuttal. I want you to put that in your mind whenever you are writing your paranoid tirades.

The Article: Ronald Reagan famously said to Jimmy Carter in a presidential debate “there you go again”, to contest what heperceived to be an inaccurate narrative of his public record by Mr. Carter. In the spirit of that famous quote I must say there you go again Mr. Yabarag. If you repeat a lie enough it becomes the reality of the uninformed and a nutrient to the deficient mind. Its only benefactors become the doers of death, destruction and evil. If one takes the time to read all of Mr Yabarag articles one will discover the fascinating similarities in tone and in content as well as its acute over the top exaggeration of the facts. The only window or door that is near shut is the unionist plan to sabotage Somaliland democratic growth. Mr Yabarag contribution can perhaps be channeled toward creating a durable co-habitation plan between the unionist and the former warlord who are currently in charge of Somalia.

While I have a deep profound respect for his freedom of expression, it should not however in any shape of form consider most of work factual based information. Mr. Yabarag has been bestowed with the honorable title of WardheerNews.com contributor. Thus far his contribution to the honorable news site has been, in my humble opinion a text book propaganda based campaign against a democratic and peaceful nation.

The author’s writing is reminiscent of pre-Rwanda genocide propaganda and the dehumanization strategy of Joseph Goebbels. While I do not believe his intentionis to incite tribal war I am afraid the end result of the unionist propaganda can lead to regrettable and unfortunate political discourse. The Republic of Somaliland has the durable institutions and democratically inspired leadership that can withstand the barrage of inaccurate statements coming from abroad. However,it is the Diaspora that must be vigilant against the unruly unionist and their manipulative agenda.

To be received as reality a propaganda must evoke the interest of an audience and must be transmitted through an attention-getting communications medium, it must heighten the anxiety,frustration and fear of the recipient through perceived or minimal infraction. “one-clan secessionist state ……Isaq the SNM Clan in the Centre ….The communities of Sool, Sanaag and Cayn as well as Makhir have always detested the idea of one-clan state being erected in their backyard”. The author’s article sreads like the Hutu Ten Commandments published in a Hutu journal called kangura. These Ten Commandments consider Hutus who cooperated with the Tutsi in any manner as a traitor. Mr. Yabarag’s constant fixation with perceived tribal dissatisfaction and political discontentment based on imaginary clan issues in the Republic is nothing more than an attempt by the unionist to lay the foundation for the exportation of the incurable diseases which have ailed Somalia over the past two decades. In times ofs oul searching and peace keeping why would anyone stoke the fears of the uninformed to disturb a hard earned peace and balanced prosperity?

I find it comical when the author takes the liberty of advising Somaliland government on foreign affairs. “I hope the current politicians of “Somaliland” will redeem themselves and initiate a constructive dialogue with their counterparts in Mogadishu”. Are you kidding me, what would be the topic of the day? Does the author truly believe that the TFG has any sort of political or leadership legitimacy in Somalia. Perhaps Mr. Yabarag assumes the TFG acceptance of foreign invasion has earned them enough creditability to be seated at the same table as democratically elected officials of Somaliland.

I have come to realize Mr. Yabarag utter disregards for the people of Somaliland and its leadership but at least have the common decency to give some differentiations in basic human elements between a legitimate government and IGAD appointed expats.

To The People of Somaliland

The Republic of Somaliland andits entire population is on the right path, a path to democracy and peace guided by virtues based on tradition and common goals. While some might view the rebirth of the second republic, the restoration of dignity and humanity to millions of oppressed people as an exclusive endeavor. The citizens of Somaliland enjoy today peace and freedom through under the creation of a government that is accountable and transparent. It is never too late to contribute to the democratic growth of your nation. If your voice has not been heard before now is the time to speak for the continuation of the peace and development that has been taking root in Somaliland. Do not fall prey to those who wish to deprive you of the peace and property which they enjoy in foreign lands. Many of you have seen the evil of dictatorship and the agony of leaderless governing? Do not let the un-invested few destroy what you have built through shared sacrifice and determination. There is no greater recognition than that of self determination through God given rights. Stand for democracy, stand in unity and hold firm to your principals of equality and justice for all. Let your democratic foundation be the pillars which strengthen your national morality and all the functionaries of your government. Do not become an easy conquest to those who can now barely hold you in check when united. The platform is yours use it wisely and use it for peace and brotherly love.

I hope in the near future Mr.Yabarag would entertain us with an analysis that demands close examination of the past and present, with disciplined generosity to the years ahead. May Allah bless Somaliland and its people and may he give peace and prosperity to Somalia.

Peaceand Milk

Source: Diriye H. abdilahi

E-Mail:diriyee@gmail.com

“Every news organization has only its credibility and reputation to rely on” Tony Burman -CBC - 

Waxaan la yaabay shabakado inta ay idaacadaha isgeeyaan dadka been iyo khurafaad ka dhaadhiciya – iyagoo sheeganaya inay u dhigmaan shabakadaha waa wayn ee ay wadaan shaqsiyaad ilaahay ku manaystay karti, dulqaad, iyo aragti toosan oo ka madax banaan qabiil iyo iyo waxla halmaala.

Sanadkii lasoo dhaafay ayuu Axmed Hadhka ama Xassan Kuriye, Ama Burco oo intuba ay yihiin magaac uu kusoo galo shabakad beeleedka uu maamulo shaqsiga Toronto jooga oo magaciisa la yidhaahdo Axmed Hadhka Hiiraan uu bad-badalay sawir uu sameeyey Amin Camir oo ku hoos qoray ciwaano ka baxsan hab dhaqanka saxaafada iyo anshaxa toosan ee loo waajaho shaqsi kaa miisaan wayn ama aad mucaaridba ku tahay.

Personal attacks: Making of an abusive remark instead of providing evidence when examining another person’s claims or comments. Simply i do not agree what you advocate does not mean you have the right to commit a character assassination- be civil

Hadaba waxa bulshada indho indhaysa wararka dalka xassuusinayaa in shabad beeleedka Hadhka Hiiraan.com ay tahay mid ka fog hab dhaqanka iyo wada noolaandhaha umadaha dega Somaliland iyadoo ay ka marag kacayso warbixinada lagu soo qoro. Aqoon la’aanta ka haysa sida siyaasad galbeedku u socoto, warar lasoo xado oo aan la raacin cida laga soo qaatay. Warbixino aan lahayn wax ujeedo ah oo laga soo buuxiyo shaashada shabakada iticmaasha aalada laga baxay ee lagu magacaabo “Frontpage Microsoft Publisher” oo aan lahayn Archive ama tafatir isku dheeli tiran oo ka madax banaan qabyaalada iyo shaqsi nacayb.

Those who run tribal websites such as Axmed Hadhka are normally uneducated individuals let alone a journalism degree but they do not even have a formal education or degree of any kind and that is why they discredit the well educated and hardworking Somali scholars in the name of tribal gain. their cheap shot does not scratch the reputation of the scholars but they further proof their ill minded tribal mindset.  

Shabakadaha caalamku waxay isticmaalaan MySQL – aalada lagu magaacabo oo ah hab casri ah oo ka duwan habka frontpage-ka – frontpage-ka waxa qora hal qof oo hal meel jooga isagoo isticmaalaya hal computer oo uu ku daabacado fikradaha qaldan ee uu shacabka ka iibinayo.

Hadaba waxaan kula talin lahaa shaqsiga inuu ka waantoobo aflagaadada shaqsiyaad ayna gaadhayn hadhkooda oo ay iska daba socdaan ku dayashada shabakada caalamiga ah ee Hiiraan.com oo runtii mudan amaan iyo bogaadin inay halkaa kasii wadaan. Kaliya waxay shabakada Hadhku ku caan tahay aflagaadada dad aan ogayn iyo buunbuuninta colaada sokeeye ee Somaliland marhore ka bogsadeen. Shakhsiyaadkaa daabacaa waxay isku haystaan iyo waxa ay runtii yihiin ayaa kala duwan. Qaar waa kuwo noqday “Lady Gaga of Somaliland Media ama Baghdad Bob” Lady Gaga waa caan laakiin hab dhaqan lagu daydo ma laha sidoo kale Mohamed Saad Alsayf wuxuu ahaa wasiirkii warfaafinta ee beenta ku caan baxay – iyadoo Baqhdad la haysto ayuu umada kaa dhaadhicinayey inay guulaysanaayaan wakhtigii dagaalka gardaradu socday markaa beeni iyo dhaqan xumo meel ma gaadho waa talo aqoonyahan. Xitaa Dr. ka ay ku faanaan ee wasiirka arimaha dibeda ee dalku wuxu kusoo shaacbaxay dood uu la galay Prof. Axmed Ismail Samatar oo shacabkuba ku barteen by Radio Dalmar (Dib u baadha). “Haddad tahay aqoonyahan waan kugu hanbalyeynayaa ayuu Prof. Samatar ku yidhi isagoon waligii hore u maqal aqoonyahankan is casuumay.”

DR. Cabdi Cali Guursade

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Bahda SayliciPress.Net Kama Masuul aha aragtida qoraha

Iyadoo ay ahaayeen dadka reer Awdal Dad leh ilbaxnimo, Xadaarad iyo ganacsi ay kula Macaamilayeen ilaa boqortooyadii Tikrayga iyo Turkigaba , ayaa waxa nasiib daro noqotay in xadaaradii iyo ilbaxnimadii laga faa’idaysan waayey oo fursadihii siyaasadeed iyo dhaqaalaba la lumiyey, waxayna qabaa’ilku ugu kala dhawaadeen mustacmaradii sida ay u aqbaleen xukunkeeddii.

Sababaha ragaadiyay ee keenay in la seego fursadahaasi waxa ka mid ahaa:-

Waa marka koowaad, waxa isqabsi ku bur-buray  xadaaradii iyo ilbax-nimadii dadka Gadbuursi , taasi oo uu sabab u ahaa mustacmarku

Waatan labaad iska hor imaadkii iyo suugaantii loo adeegsanayey iska hor imaadkaasi  oo si ba’an u dhex-martey Duqaydii Gadabuursi,  taasi oo sabab u noqotay in  kacdoonkii cashuur diidka ka dhashay lagu doorto in Cali-Bucul.taasi oo dhacday 1935. Raad -raac iyo dib-u-eegis ku sammee  iska hor- imaadyadii ka dhex dhacayey beelaha Gadabuursi . Dhibaatooyinkaasi oo sabab u ahaa Guul darooyinkaasi ayaa masuul ka ahaa?

Akhristayaasha ayaan u daynayaa inay fahmaan cidda mas’uulka ka ahayd arrimahaasi.

Intaasi marka laga yimaado, 1957 kii ayaa Boqortooyadii Ingiriisku ay soo jeedisey in Gadabuursiga ku nool S/land loo sammeeyo hal Boqor ama Ugaas si ay uga badbaadaan midnimo la’aan ku keeni karta in meeqamkoodii siyaasadeed hoos u dhaco ku yimaado ,aan ahayna Reer Ugaas , maddaama ay iyagu ka duuwaan gashanaayeen dhinaca Itoobiya , kuna ekaayeen halkaasi, xornimadii 1960kii oo soo dhawayd awgeed, wakhtigaasina ay  Hargaysa ka jireen suldaankii Habar-Awal iyo suldaankii Ciida- Gale.

Arrintaasi waxa fashiliyay oo tallo la’aan ku dhiciseeyay ragii hormuudka u ahaa Beesha Makaahiil soona sharaxeen Sheekh Cumar Good Allaha u naxariistee, Beelihii kalena waxay soo sharaxdeen murashaxiin; Beelaha Habar- Cafaan waxay soo sharaxeen Sheekh Muuse Jaamac Goodaad Alla ha u naxariistee, halka Maxamed-case na uu ka soo sharaxeen X. Cali Bidaar Alla ha u naxariistee. Arintaasi waxay ku dhamaatay natiijo la’aan iyo is-afgarad la’aan, waxyna abuurtay in is necbaansho uu dhex yimaado bulshadii Gadabuursi. Aan is waydiinee Guul daradaasina ayaa ka mas’uul ahaa ee loo nisbayn karaa ?

Dhinaca kale 1958 kii  waxa Majlisu tashriicigii cod gacan taaga ah oo tiro yar ahaa  ku guuleeystay  Alla ha u naxariistee  Cabdilaahi  Cali tag-yare oo u dhashay Beesha  Makaahiil (jibriil yoonis),  nasiib daro mansabkii uu dadkiisa ku matalayay waxa uu siistay qadar lacag ah, oo uu  ka qaatay Reer Berbara, waxana halkiisii galay nin Ciise-Muuse ah. Waxay ahayd dhacado aad u fool xun oo Taariikhiya, ahna tan keentay in aynaan goob-joog ka noqon goobihii lagu qaybinayay kuraastii Baarlamaaniga ee Degmooyinkii Soomaliland xiligii gumaysiga, waxayna sababtay in 33 kursi uu gadabuursigu ka hello  3 kursi oo kaliya , waayo cid u fadhiday ama u doodeysay may jirin ,raad xumadaasi siyaasadeedna waa tan ilaa maanta  inagu yeellatay saammaynta ee qof  walibana is weydiinayo halka ay wax ka qaldameen ama ka leexdeenba.

Dhinaca kale shirkii Boon ka dhacay  1959 kii ee Gadabuursigu ku qaybshay  shantii kursi ee Boorama, labo (2) ka mid ah ayuu u qoon-deeyey Deegaanka saylac oo ahaa sub-District. Saddexdii (3) kursi dhinaca Boorama waxa uu u kala qaatay saddexda Beellood, heshiiskuna wuxuu ahaa oo lagu dhaartay in seddex nin oon lala tartamin la yeesho oo saddexda Beelood ahaa . Dhinaca saylacna wada jir looga doonto oo laga tartamo . Nasiib daro X. Abiibakar, isagoo burinaya heshiiskii ayuu iska sharaxay Boorama , Boona waxa iska sharaxay INA AAYE  oo   isaga  burinaya dhaartii Boon labaduba waxay ahaayeen Makaahiil . Gadabuursi guddihiisii ayaa khilaaf la galiyey , taasina waxay sababtay in labaddii (2) kursi ee dhinaca saylac ay Ciise tar-tar la’aan ku qaataan.

Khaladaadkii siyaasadeed iyo iska hor imaadkii lagu waayey labaddii (2) kursi ee dhinaca Saylac iyadoo la qoomamaynayo , ayey Beesha Maxaad- Case isu- abaabushay  inay ka tartanto 1969 kii Degmada Saylac, hase ahaatee waxa nasiib daro noqotay in Tuullada Ceel-Gaal  loo dhigo ciidan hubaysan oo dawaladeed amarkaasna uu bixiyey wasiirkii Gadabuursiga ahaa markaa ee Aadan Isaaq Ahmed Alla ha u naxariistee , taasina waxay keentay in mar saddexaad tartan la’aan Ciise ku mulkiyey labaddii (2) kursi.  Arrintaasi waa ta ilaa maanta ay Ciise ku sheegtaan Saylac.

Sidoo kale siyaasad xumadii ay horseedka ka ahaayeen Duqayda iyo siyaasiyiinta Makaahiil waxay keentay in Deegaankii Gadabuursigu uu soo koobmo, tusaale ahaan 1964 tii sanduuqa codku wuxuu yaalay Doox  Daba-Dilaac, Boodhka Geli-Galoona waxa yaalay sanduuqa codaynta , waxayna hoos imanayeen Degmada Boorama. Nasiib daro kii Daba-Dilaac waxa la keenay Boon , kii Boodhka Geli-Galoona waxa la keenay Geed-Diqsi , ujeeddadu waxay ahayd in la yareeyo codka Maxaad- Case ee dhinaca xeeba , sidoo kalena in codka Reer Maxamuud Nuur la yareeyo ayaa iyana meesha taallay. Mas’uuliyadaasi  siyaasad ahaan iyo Dhaqaale ahaanba soo yaraysay mustaqbalkii Gadabuursiga ee Deegaan ahaan waxa ka mas’uul ah labaddii musharax ee kala ahaa Aadan Isaaq Axmed iyo Xaaji Ibraahin Nuur . kamayna fikirayn raad xumada siyaasadeed ee afcaashaasi ku keenayso mustaqbalka dadkooda iyo dalkooda.

intaa marka aynu ka nimaadno gorma ayaa la odhan karaa way bilaabantay is aamin la’aanta Gadabuursiga dhexdiisa jirtaa?  Waxay bilaabantay 1959 iyo 1961.

1959kii waxay ahayd markii Gadabuursigu ku shiray Boon kuna wada dhaarteen in ay yeeshaan 3 musharax lagana kala sharxo ( “Borama”  Marxuum C/xasan Buuni, marxuum Muuse Rabiile Good “Boon”  iyo marxuum X. ibraahim Nuur “Dilla”,balse waxa buriyey labdii aan horay u soo sheegnay.

Sidoo kale 1960 kii dawladii Jamhuuriyada Soomaaliya ee midawga ahayd ee ugu horaysay , waxa ra’isal wasaare ku xigeen ka noqday  c/xasan Buuni oo xildhibaan ahaa , waxayna ahayd darajadii ugu saraysay ee abid uu gaadho siyaasi  Gadabuursi ahi . labo (2) sano ka dib waxa Baarlamaankii Soomaliya la hor dhigay soo –jeedin (motion ) lagu tir-tiray kursigii , mooshinkaasi wuxuu ku guulaystay labo (2) cod kaliya , labadaa(2) codna waxa kala lahaa Xaaji Ibraahin Nuur iyo Xaaji Abibokor sh. Cumar .

Labadaasi dhacdo iyo tii wehelisay ee  X.abubakar sheikh Cumar kaga qaatay kursigii  Muuse Rabiile Good ku guulaystay ,  waxay u horseedeen oo ay biqliyeen aamin daro Gadabuursiga ka dhex- abbuurantay, illaa maantana taagan, ragaadisayna nolosha horumarinta ummadda.

Akhristayaal bal aan dib ugu soo noqono guuldarooyinkii siyaasadeed iyo dhaqaalo, arrimo-bulsho, iyo wixii la mid ah ee dhacay tan iyo 1991kii ,iyadoo aan si kooban u dulmarayno. kuraasida baarlamaaniga ah iyo manaasiibta kalaba ee siyaasiga ah maxaa loo kordhin waayey ? ayaa ka baaqsaday xilkaasi ? waa la garan karaa hogaamiyaashii siyaasadeed ee u kala dambeeyey guuldaradaasi.  Duqayda, Aqoonyahankan iyo siyaasiyiinta  Beesha Makaahiil waxay sabab mucaarid ka dhigtaan in saami ka maqanyahay Gadbuursiga degan S/land. Waxa la is waydiin karaa , waxa maqani ma hore ayuu u maqnaa ? ma hada ayuu maqanyahay ? muxuuse yahay waxa maqani?

Hornagii siyaasadeed ee ay gaadhsiiyeen madaxdii hore, waxba kama dhimin madaxweyne ku xigeenka hada joogaa, wuxuuna si cad u bayaamiyey una sheegay in Duqaydu la timaado barnaamij ay u dhan yihiin oo ay ku soo bandhigayaan waxyaabaha ay ka  tabayaan dhinaca siyaasada iyo horumarka.

Waa markii ugu horeysey ee mas’uul Gadabuursi ,mudanayaashiisa Gobolka ka soo jeeda uu horgeeyo Madaxweynaha, looguna gudbiyo qoraal faah-faahsan oo xambaarsan tabbashada Siyaasadeed, Dhaqaale, Horumar, Nabadgelyo iyo bulshaba taasi oo dhacday 12-april-2011.( taasi waxay ka suurta gashay Maddax wayne ku/xigeenka  Gadabuursi  ee hada xilka haya.

Ilaa hadda Duqaydii Beelaha Makaahiil iyo waxgaradkoodiiba, wuxuun bay sheegayaan,  waxbaa maqana way leeyihiin ,in midnimo wax lagu raadsadana diyaar uma aha.

Waxaa lays waydin karaa labadan su’aalood:

Waxa ka maqani muxuu yahay? Wixii maqan in midnimo lagu doono maxay ku diidan yihiin? Jawaabuhuna waa sidan:

Kursiga madaxweyne ku xigeenka ayaa ka maqan Gadabuursina madaxweyne ku xigeen ma laha mar haddaanay iyagu meesha ku fadhiyin. Madaxweyne  Rayaale ma cod Gadabuursi u diiday oo uu siin waayey ayuu ku waayey kursigii? Hadii uu gacanta Gadabuursi ku dhici lahaa oo ay sabab u noqon lahayd maxay sammayn lahaayeen Beesha uu ka soo jeedo? Waa laga dadaalay in uuna gacanta Gadabuursi  ku dhicin, hasa-ahaatee wax abbaala ah oo ay dadweynihii Gadabuursi u hayaan isaga iyo Beeshiisuba ma jirto. Abbaal celin waxa ay uga dhigeen muddada xukuumada siilaanyo jirto khalkhal iyo arbush siyaasadeed in ay abuuraan, oon lahayn  jiho loo raaco , arrinkoodu wuxuu dhaafi layahay anaa…..anaa….anaa……..( CAMALKII SHAYDAANKA)

Wixii maqan in midnimo lagu doonto waxay u diidan yihiin laba arrimood:-

b: waxa ay doonayaan oo ayna sheegi karaynin, imikana aanu tartankiisu taagnayn waa xilka Madaxwayne ku xigeenka hadda . miyaa looga dhaadhicin karaa hadda ?

T: waxay diidan yihiin in Gadabuursi helo waxay iyagu keeneen wax ka badan ama uu helo manaasiib siyaasadeed iyo maamuusba, oo ka kordhisan wixii ay sammeeyeen mudooyinkii ay xilka isaga dambeeyeen .

Ugu dambayntii akhristayaasha waxan u cadaynaynaa in Beesha Makaahiil, gaar ahaan yoonisku ( Nuur , Jibriil ,Aadanka ) ay aaminsan yihiin in Gadabuursigu yahay dad aad u tiro yar , inta uu yahayna ay iyagu yihiin .

Sidaasi darteedna wiqiyada siyaasadeed ama garaamkaba(grm) ay iyagu qaataan oo ay ku masalaan  magaca Gadabuursi .wixii aan sidaasi ahayn ee ay cid kale haysaa  uma tirsana iyaga ..

Dalka Djaboutina haddii aan ka hadalno , siyaasaddii uu Cumar Agoon ku shaqaynayey ee uu uga dambeeyay mudane Saciid Barkhad , ayaa Gadabuursigii Djabouti ku noolaa dhaxal siisay in laga tir-tiro jabuuti , kuna noqdaan laajiyiin, iyagoo ahaa aasaasayaasha iyo dadkii la galay heshiiska mustacmarkii faransiiska.

Dhinaca Itoobiya Bishii May ,1991 , markii uu dhacay Mingiste Xayle Maryam, waxgaradkii iyo aqoonyahankii Gadabuursiga ayaa ku daddaalay in ururkii Horyaal dib loo soo nooleeyo, waana lagu guulaystay, nasiib daro waxa ka daba tagay oo burburiyey siyaasiyiin Makaahiil ah oo u badnaa Yooniska , kuna shaqnayey , fulinayeyna barnaamij ay u dhiibeen qabaa’il diidanaa guusha siyaasadeed ee Gadabuursi.

Gabo-gabaddii

Dhibaatooyinkaasi iyo guuldarooyinkani  siyaasadeed, dhaqaale ,nabadgalyo iyo bulshaba oo aynaan halkani ku soo wada bandhigi Karin ,waxa Ka mas’uul ahaa kana mas’uul  ah ilaa hadda siyaasiyiinta,duqayda iyo wax-garadka Beesha Makaahiil gaar ahaan yoonis ( Jibriil yoonis , Nuur yoonis , iyo Adan yoonis iwm).

Sidaasi darteedna ; Gadabuursiga kale wax-garadkiisa leh salaadiin , Duqay ,  aqoonyahan , iyo waxgaradka kalaba , waxa la gudboon in ay tallo iyo arrinba ka yeeshaan lagu maarayn karo hagardaamooyinkaasi, lagagana hortagayo kuwa socda , lalana xisaabtamo, oo la is-waydiiyo raadadkii la soo maray.

Lama hayo wali siyaasi Makaahiil oo magaca Gadabuursi u eeddooba, odhaahdaasina waa dood furan oo ciddii moran ka qabtaa ay ka hadli karto .

ALLAH MAHAD LEH

CILMI DIIRIYE CUMAR
EMAIL: DIRIYE1964@HOTMAIL.COM

Bahda SayliciPress.Net

BORAME – Caasimada ganacsiga ee gobolka Awdal ayaa laga dareemayaa sii kala fogaanshaha iyo hadal haynta in qof walbaa xoogiisa iyo lacagtiisa galiyo wixii shacabka balaadhan ee muxaafidiinta ah u dan ah kadib markii ay ku talaabsadeen talaabooyin ay isku dhabar jabiyeen tageerayaashii dumay ee Dahir Rayale oo uu afhayeen u yahay badhiwalihii hore ee wasaarada warfaafinta Awdal – Maxamed Cumar Hyena oo shaqadiisii ku waayey imtixaan saxaafadeed laga qaaday oo uu ku dhacay.

Maxamed Cumar Hyena oo wakhtigii uu ka shaqaysan jiray samaynta radiyooyada xumaada ahaa shaqsi aan saxaafad iyo siyaasadan shaqo ku lahayn oo ku hawlanaa quutal daruuriga qoyskiisa sidii uu wax uga tari lahaa.

Mr. Hyena ayaa shacabka Adal u sheegi jiray inuu ahaa suxufi “ethics, and knowledge”-ka saxaafadeed huwanaa oo sheegan jiray inuu mucaarid ku ahaa madaxwaynihii hore ee ay isku haybta ahaayeen ee Dahir Rayale -xabsigana loo taxaabay arimi musuqmaasuq dartood siday imika wararku sheegayaan ee ahayn mid uu kaga soo horjeeday xukumaadii kaligii taliyihii Dahir Rayale.

Hadaba maxaa keenay kala fogaynta dhinaca ganacsiga iyo isku dhararinta jufooyin aan shaqo isku lahayn ku kalifay Mr. Hyena iyo shabakada aflagaadada ee Harowo Aw Farax?

Waxay wararku sheegayaan in Hyena ilowsanaa quwada shacabka muxaafidiinta ah ee degan guud ahaan Adal iyo gaar ahaan Borame oo in ka badan 75 % ay yihiin muxaafidiin in badan ka gaabsan jiray heerkan uu gaadhsiiyey siyaasada iyo ganacsiga bulshada walaalaha ah.

Ganacsiga oo loogu kala baxo sida siyaasada iyo hogaanka dhaqanka loogu kala baxay ayaa khasaare ku qaba?

Ganacsiga oo lagu kala baxo sida siyaasada iyo hogaanka dhaqanka loogu kala baxay waxay wararku sheegayaan in shacab masaakiin ahaa oo aan ku lahayn xidido dhaadheer degaanka Adal ay dhaxalsiin doonto inay doonyaha Boosaaso raaceen ilaa Cadan u socda taasina waxay aqoonyahanku ku tilmaameen mid shaqsiyaadkii arintan kiciyey ay aafaadaa masuuliyadeeda lee yihiin.

Isku tiirasanaanta umadaha ayey Yurub ku tahay Yurub – oo Griiga oo diciif ah u quudiyaan – Maraykana uu ku qabsaday aduunka laakiin aqoon la’aan iyo aragti xumo ay ku sifoobeen qaar badan oo qalinka qalad ka fahmay ayaa gaadhsiisay inay arinta quutal daruuriga shacab badan oo masaakiin ah ay ciid ku shubaan shaqsiyaad faro ku tiris ah oo xumaanta shaqo ka dhigtay.

Waxay digniino loo dirayaa fidmo wadayaasha uu Hyena horkacayo waana in laga foojignaado oo shacabka ay waxyeeladu soo gaadhayna ogaadaan in difaacida ay mudada dheer difaacayeen iyo hiilka ay u fidiyaan noocyadan qaloocaa ay tahay midhaha ay maanta gurayaan.

Weerar caruureed kastaa wuxuu lee yahay dhirbaaxo cilmiyeysan ee laba jeer ka fikir ficilka doqoniimada leh ee aad ku talaabsanaynsid

Talaabo kasta oo qaldan waxay lee dahay rogaal celis iyo dhirbaaxo aan laga soo kaban karin – kuwa moodaya in dulqaadkii sii soconayaa marka laba jeer haka fikiraan talaabada ay qaadayaan iyo dhirbaaxada sugaysa oo aan lagu kala danbaynayn oo uu dhamaaday samirkii anagoo wali ilaalinayna xuquuqda lama huraanka ah ee dadka kuna kooban habka toosan ee loo waajaho cadowga dadka u eeg ee nagu dhex nool.

Cabdi Cali

Sidee ayaan ku gaari karnaa ama ku kasban karnaa raali ahaanshaha eebe? si aan u mutaysano janadiisa. jawaabtu waxay tahay, waxa jira sobob ama qiil aan janadaas ku heli karno, waa dadka oo isa saamaxa ama is cafiya.taas oo waqtigan loogu magac daray( the general forgiveness)  ( Maqfiratul Caama)  waa in aad habeen ama maalin waliba aad soo saarto qaraar guud   inta aanad seexan aad ku cafinaysid qof kasta oo ku xumeeyey,ku caayey ,kugu xadgudbay ama ku deelqaafay. walaal qalbigaaga nadiifi kana maydh aargoosiga ,caloolxumada. walaalka muslinka ahoow. in intee le eg ama awood intee le eg ayuu qalbigaagu oo ah sida aynu wada ognahay walax aad u yar u yeelan karaa hadii aan hoy uga dhigno , xasad , xumaan, khiyaamo, cadho iyo nacayb, bilaahi calayka  qalbigaasi siduu noqon doonaa ama uu yahayba.qofkaasi waxa uu ku dhex jiraa cadaab, tii aakhirona way  u dambaysaa.

qofka dhibaatysan ee cadaabta ku jiraa  waa adiga mahaa kani la xaasidayo ee lalal rabo aargoosiga.

Nin reer galbeed ah (westrerner) ayaa yiri qofka qalbigiisa ku haya ama qaada xumanaata waa qof ku shidaya qalbigiisa ama xabadkiisa foorno. foornadaasina dabcan isaga ayay gubaysaa,hadaba xaalku hadii uu sidaas yahay waxa inala haboon in aan gurmad samayno oo aan qaraar guud soo saranaa, oo aan dadka ku saamaxayno wixii ay inoo gaysteen.ilahaay waxa uu yiri( KUWA QARIYA CADHADOODA DADKANA CAFIYA ILAHAYNA WAXA UU JECEL YAHAY DADKA KHAYRKA BADAN EE MUXSINIINTA AH) nolosheena ma duqaadan karto ama awood uma laha in ay cadaawad dadka u hayso.qofka dadka xumaanta u hayaayi waxa uu ku noolyahay jeel (prison) kadeed iyo cadaab.

Waxa aan naftayda ugu horayn iyo adigaba u sheegayaa hadii aan rabno nolol wanaagsan iyo raal ahaanshaha ilahay iyo janadiisa. in aan saamaxno dhamaan wixii ku dulmiyey, ku  xumeeyey,kugu gafay ilaahayna aad naxariis uga baridid, in aad iska ilowdo oo aad dhaafto xaqii aad ku lahayd dadka sidoo kale aad dadka siisid xaqoodii oo kaamil ah.

Hadii aad sidaas yeesho waxaad dareemi in damiirkaagu aad u raystay ama u raaxaystay. mid ka mid ah culimada ayaa yiri  ( markaad tagto sariirtaada seexadka ka hor ku dhaq ama ku nadiifi qalbigaaga todoba jeer istaqfurulaah ta sideedaadna raxmada eebe), ka dibna dheh ilaahoow u dhaaf qof kasta oo na xumeeyey, na xantay, ilaahoow muslimiinta dhamaantood u dambi dhaaf.

Ka tag ama ka tanaasul xaqaaga gaarka ah si aad ilaahay agtiisa uga heshid ajar iyo dhawaansho.

Qofka dadka cafiya ilaahay ayaa isagana cafiya . laakiin qofka dadka dhiba kuna mashquula xaalkooda , hagardaamooyinkooda ilaahayna maalinta qiyaamaha wuu dhibayaa.

Gabagabdii walaalalayaal waxkasta oo aan aduunyadad ku samaymayno waxaan kula kulmi doonaa aakhiro.ilaahay dambigeena ha dhaafo.

Omar Ibrahim Cadar

Utrecht, Holland